Zheng Ping: Analysis and Commentary on the Memoirs of Tetsuzo Fuwa's Wife
Path of No Regrets: My Life with Fuwa Tetsuzo (authored by Ueda Chikako, translated by Zheng Ping, published by CITIC Press Group in April 2018) is a memoir written by Ms. Ueda Chikako, wife of Mr. Fuwa Tetsuzo, the renowned Japanese statesman, Marxist theorist, and leader of the Japanese Communist Party (JCP). The Japanese edition was published by Chuokoron-Shinsha in April 2012, followed by the Chinese edition in April 2018. Using the author’s personal experiences as a thread, the book not only recounts the struggle and life she shared with Fuwa Tetsuzo but also witnesses and describes the history of Japan from World War II to the present, reflecting the past and present of contemporary Japanese society. Thus, it is both a personal biography and a record of an era. The entire book is written in a fresh, life-oriented, natural, and vivid prose that is both narrative and highly readable.
Fuwa Tetsuzo, born Ueda Kenjiro on January 26, 1930, in Tokyo, uses "Fuwa Tetsuzo" as a pen name. This book provides an authoritative explanation regarding the origin of this pseudonym. In 1947, while still in high school, Fuwa joined the Japanese Communist Party. From then on, he embarked on a "path of no regrets," opposing the Emperor system, militarism, foreign wars of aggression, and domestic brutal autocracy. He advocated for popular sovereignty, sought the well-being of ordinary people, and explored the truths of Marxism. Even today, Fuwa remains active at the theoretical frontiers of Marxism, continuing his prolific writing.
The person who has always remained by Fuwa’s side, supporting the progressive causes he is engaged in, is his wife, Ms. Ueda Chikako.
Ueda Chikako is also a veteran member of the Japanese Communist Party. Furthermore, she joined the Party independently long before meeting Fuwa Tetsuzo. In this book, Chikako introduces the reader to how she transformed from a "militarist girl" into a Japanese Communist. She writes with indignation: "Even today, I cannot help but feel strong anger toward that system, those politics, and those commanders who audaciously launched the war, driven by self-interest with total disregard for the lives of the citizens." This process of recognition and transformation represents both the spiritual elevation of an ordinary Japanese girl breaking free from the long-term toxic education of Japanese militarism and a reflection of the depth of that toxicity within Japanese society and its people. It highlights the difficult turning point in the Japanese people’s struggle to rid themselves of the long shadow of militarism, allowing us to see the profound shifts in Japanese society as a whole around the end of World War II.
Through this book, readers can see that after Japan's unconditional surrender, the sudden political collapse of militarism led to the disintegration of the monolithic state of suppression. Suddenly, various new ideas and knowledge flooded the streets like a bursting dam. Such a situation was unimaginable in Japanese society before the end of the war. Under the powerful tide of purging militarism, the Japanese Communist Party began to rebuild and operate as a legal political party. Having experienced the trauma of war, Chikako learned of the JCP’s steadfast anti-war stance and history during the conflict. She recognized that the banners raised by the JCP—"Sovereignty lies not with the Emperor but with the people," "Peace is paramount," and "Equality between men and women"—were not only "extremely fresh and charming" but also represented the truth. In particular, the proposal to grant suffrage to all citizens was something ordinary people under militarist rule would never have dared to imagine. Originally from a "proletarian" background, Chikako acted out of simple class position and sentiment; after careful comparison and reflection, and driven by the ideal of "creating a better society," she resolutely and formally joined the JCP in July 1948 at the age of 19 while still a student.
After joining the Party, Chikako became an active member almost without hesitation. She not only took the initiative to participate in various study sessions at the primary-level organizations to improve her individual cultivation as a Party member but also distributed Party pamphlets on trams, performed at factories, gave street speeches, and attended political rallies—heading "wherever the red flag was planted." Through unremitting efforts, after graduating in March 1949, Chikako became a professional revolutionary, working for a district committee of the Japanese Communist Party in Tokyo.
Becoming communists was a pivotal choice that fundamentally changed the fates of both Fuwa Tetsuzo and Chikako. Before the war ended, one was a "militarist boy" and the other a "militarist girl." Due to the cruel suppression by Japanese militarism, the Japanese Communist Party, founded in July 1922, remained illegal until the end of World War II. The Japanese military and government authorities maintained a policy of harsh suppression and persecution against the Party. After the war, the call to "reevaluate the Communist Party" merged into an unstoppable trend. Driven by this progressive tide, many Japanese people with similar backgrounds to Chikako and Fuwa joined the JCP. Because the Party represented the fundamental interests of the people, it grew rapidly. When the Fourth Party Congress was held in December 1945, there were only 1,813 delegates. Just three months later, at the Fifth Party Congress in February 1946, membership had grown to over 6,000. By the general election for the House of Representatives in January 1949, membership exceeded 100,000. According to data released by Shii Kazuo [1], Chairman of the JCP Central Committee, in a speech celebrating the 90th anniversary of the Party's founding in July 2012, the Party had 318,000 members—a unique phenomenon among capitalist countries.
However, as this book reveals, the development of the Japanese Communist Party after World War II was by no means smooth; it underwent hardships and reversals. Chikako mentions that shortly after leaving school to work for the Party's district committee, she encountered the contradiction between "romantic ideals" and cruel reality. With the onset of the Cold War, the U.S. occupation forces' control over Japan intensified. Consequently, the so-called "Red Purge" anti-communist movement emerged within Japan, and many Party members and their supporters were removed from government offices and key enterprises. Simultaneously, a conflict over the political line surfaced within the international communist front. The JCP's proposed line of "peaceful revolution under occupation" came under fire. In this context, internal disagreements and debates within the JCP were inevitable, eventually resulting in a party split. For ordinary young members like Chikako, this brought confusion and doubt. However, Chikako did not choose to leave the Party amidst this bewilderment, nor did her ideals or convictions waver. She made a very correct decision: to "return to the starting point," entering factories to actually understand the situation of the labor unions and the workers' movement. This action of Chikako's embodied the essential attributes of the Party and was truly remarkable.
In April 1950, Chikako entered a foundry. The workers welcomed her arrival with songs. She gave her all, tempering herself and seeking truth through the heated practice of the workers' movement. She participated in collective bargaining between labor and management, arguing strongly for wage and bonus increases. She set up women’s consultative meetings, advocating for the specific rights and interests of female employees. She organized exchange meetings between workers and peasants and, despite police suppression, participated in workers' strikes, reorganized destroyed unions, and visited arrested comrades. The image of a passionate, bold, and resolute young Communist Party member was displayed before the workers.
Through these activities, Chikako came to understand the true state of grassroots workers. She discovered that a union president did not dare to make demands of management without drinking for "liquid courage," as he had a family to support and feared unemployment. This example deeply touched Chikako. Furthermore, management was not a monolithic block. One manager privately recommended Chikako for a job with better benefits. He did this not to win her over or bribe her, but because his brother had been arrested for participating in the leftist movement before the war and had died in prison. In fact, he was very sympathetic to the Communist Party. These experiences taught Chikako that one must go deep among the people, analyze specific problems specifically, and handle issues "from the perspective of the citizens" [2] rather than adhering to rigid dogma. As a result, when workers formed unions, they did not go to the "Labor Administration Office" but sought her out after work for consultation. She felt deeply that the workers did this not because her work was so exceptional or her rhetoric so profound, but because she was willing to share her own lunch box with them. In other words, she was more "down-to-earth."
Organizing and leading the labor union movement was a vital task for the JCP after the war. By June 1946, the number of various labor unions had grown from zero at the war’s end to approximately 12,000, with a unionization rate exceeding 40%. At that time, the "National Congress of Industrial Unions" (Sanbetsu) [3], a national union organization led by the JCP, had approximately 1.63 million members—about double that of the unions led by the Socialist Party. While Chikako was active among grassroots workers, Fuwa Tetsuzo worked for eleven years in grassroots steelworker unions, performing a vast amount of work to protect the interests of the working class. The history of the contemporary Japanese workers' movement is crystallized in the diligent sweat of the Fuwa couple.
Chikako and Fuwa Tetsuzo married in March 1953. After marriage, Chikako did not become a traditional housewife like many Japanese women but continued to struggle for the Party’s cause. In 1956, she fell ill due to overwork and had to resign from her position at the district labor federation. In 1959, after her eldest daughter was born, she shifted her platform of activity to the community. Community work is often tedious and fragmentary, but Chikako remained as passionate as ever, never showing any sign of disdain. She participated in and led residents' autonomous associations, negotiated with relevant departments to protect residents' rights, and strove to improve the living environment. She joined the movement against the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security between the United States and Japan [4], demanded the construction of kindergartens and elementary schools in residential areas, sought free vaccinations for children, opposed "voluntary contributions" to public schools, fought against tram fare hikes, and called for strict water quality inspections. Her spirit of responsibility was visible in these minute details. After her daughter entered elementary school, Chikako returned to the front lines of the JCP-led women's movement, serving as a branch secretary and standing committee member of the "New Japan Women's Association," and organizing scientific socialism reading groups that attracted many community residents.
The post-war JCP has consistently fought in alliance with mass organizations across various fields to promote the democratic revolution. Standing at the forefront of the people's struggle and fighting for their interests, Chikako practiced the Party's mission through her concrete actions, achieving tangible results.
Chikako’s social activities evolved alongside Fuwa Tetsuzo’s changing roles. After Fuwa was first elected to the House of Representatives in 1969 and chosen as the JCP Secretariat Chief in 1970, Chikako’s primary work shifted toward assisting her husband. She admits that the work requiring the most physical and mental effort was election campaigning. To participate in elections, they moved their home to a working-class district in Tokyo. To attract votes, Chikako put in arduous effort. She was meticulously attentive to communicating with local residents to build trust, went door-to-door to promote election platforms, and assisted in elections for district councilors, metropolitan assembly members, governors, and the House of Councilors. She even participated in "red and white affairs" (weddings and funerals) within the constituency. Beyond the mental and physical exhaustion, Chikako faced a unique difficulty. Due to various anti-communist propaganda, some ordinary people held misunderstandings about the Communist Party. Others were afraid to associate with Communist candidates. To solve this most headache-inducing problem, Chikako employed a method of passion combined with sincerity. She "humbled herself" [5], using the language and idioms of the common people, walking the streets until her shoe soles wore thin, and enduring a bloated stomach from drinking the tea offered by every household. Through these collective efforts, Fuwa received 52,560 votes (14.4%) in his first election; in his second, he received 78,959 votes (21%), rising from fourth to first place in support. Following his initial victory, Fuwa Tetsuzo was elected to 11 consecutive terms in the legislature.
In the book, Chikako recounts many concrete and vivid episodes, recreating scene after scene of the actual state of Japanese electoral politics. When Fuwa first ran for parliament, the general Japanese public largely perceived Diet members as "wealthy people"—"gentlemen" distinct from ordinary citizens. Consequently, after Fuwa was elected, a town council member supporting the conservative camp was perplexed: "Fuwa has no backdoors in the town council or local industry, no groups backing him, and apparently no money. How on earth did he get elected?" This story reflects both the collusive relationship between government and business in the so-called democratic elections of capitalist society and the arduous nature of the JCP’s electoral activities. As a Diet member elected from the working-class districts by the common people, Fuwa Tetsuzo's election was a serious blow to the capitalist system; it also embodied the dedicated efforts of his wife.
In fact, shortly after joining the Party, Chikako participated in the campaign activities for Tokuda Kyuichi [6], then General Secretary of the JCP Central Committee, during his run for the Diet. Subsequently, she and Fuwa Tetsuzo weathered eleven House of Representatives elections together. The hardships of this process are perhaps difficult to grasp for those who have not experienced them. Chikako remarks that, at first, she naively thought support would stabilize as the number of elections increased. In reality, elections are deeply affected by the prevailing situation and political climate. Once the influence of the JCP grows, it immediately faces intense attacks. Hostile forces always attempt to suppress the JCP, unable to tolerate its widespread popular support. Fuwa’s vote share, which had been rising steadily, once saw the gap between him and the runner-up narrow to a mere 4,000 votes during his fifth successful campaign.
After the end of World War II, because the JCP existed within a capitalist environment where militarist traditions persisted and which was heavily controlled by the United States, survival was difficult—and development even more so. Under these circumstances, the JCP maintained an independent stance, constantly adjusting its propositions to not only survive in Japanese society but to grow and eventually achieve the goal of moving toward socialism. In 1958, they proposed the path of "striving for a peaceful revolution" and sought to achieve this goal through parliamentary elections. This choice of line and policy was once a subject of great controversy. However, it is noteworthy that this choice did yield significant results. Taking the shift in their seats in the House of Representatives as an example: in the 1946 general election, they won 5 seats (1.078% of the 464 total seats); in 1949, they achieved a post-war record of 35 seats (7.511% of the 466 total seats); yet in 1952, they suffered a total defeat. By 1969, when Fuwa Tetsuzo ran, the number rose back to 14 seats (2.881% of 486 seats), and in 1972, it increased further to 38 seats (7.739% of 491 seats). This curve is very telling.
Since the 1990s, the momentum to suppress the development of the Communist Party has become patently obvious. One method has been the "deterioration" [7] of the electoral system to make it more favorable to the ruling party. The parallel system of single-seat constituencies and proportional representation introduced in 1994 reflects this. Entering the 21st century, particularly since 2003, a movement to "establish a two-party system" has been openly instigated, centered on the business community (the zaikai). This attempts to build a "strongest anti-communist system" by ensuring that parties unable to take power immediately are excluded from electoral choices. This has undoubtedly intensified the JCP's difficult predicament; in that year’s general election, the JCP won only 9 seats (1.875% of 480 seats), which was described as the "result of the great deterioration" of the electoral system. This was certainly a regrettable outcome, but considering the changes in the global landscape after the drastic shifts in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, the general low ebb of the world socialist movement, and the powerful domestic forces in Japan excluding the Communist Party, it must still be called a remarkable achievement. Since then, the JCP has continued to actively explore strategies for electoral participation. In September 2015, the JCP proposed the idea of establishing a "National Coalition Government." During the House of Councillors election in the summer of 2016, they further advocated for "joint struggle among opposition parties," calling for a unified candidate to confront the powerful conservative ruling forces. Ultimately, four opposition parties including the JCP, along with the united power of civic groups, took a substantive first step toward the "opposition joint struggle," making it a historically significant election in the post-war era.
The JCP’s political program follows the basic principles of Marxism—namely, building socialism on the foundation of highly developed productive forces. However, based on the political and social realities of Japan and the JCP's own actual conditions, it can only manifest its program concretely by prompting capitalism to strengthen social construction and welfare systems. From Chikako's autobiography, we learn that in practice, the JCP actively nominates candidates for national and local assembly elections in hopes of controlling administrative resources. Yet behind the fluctuating election results, it is revealed that within the existing capitalist framework, achieving social transformation by obtaining a parliamentary majority is a process that is not only arduous and tortuous but also extremely long.
In her memoirs, Chikako introduces several issues raised by Fuwa Tetsuzo during comprehensive interpellations in the Diet as a representative of the JCP. In 1974, Fuwa raised the issue of "investigating radiation leaks from American nuclear submarines." Through meticulous investigation and analysis, he sternly exposed how the Tanaka Kakuei cabinet used false data to prove the "safety" of nuclear submarines and deceive the public. This forced the Japanese government to suspend U.S. nuclear submarines from docking in Japan for 183 days until a new investigative body was established. Additionally, Fuwa disclosed the issue of secret nuclear agreements between Japan and the United States and pointed out the problems between earthquakes and nuclear power plants. Chikako remarks that in today’s Japan, the media reports on nuclear power-related issues almost every day, but in fact, none of it is new; these were all issues Fuwa foresaw and raised in parliament years ago.
In the Diet, Fuwa also addressed the withdrawal of U.S. military bases, price issues, deaths from overwork (karoshi), and more. Through these issues, one can see that whenever a matter concerns the national economy and the people's livelihood, the JCP always steps forward to the front lines, crying out and taking action to fight tenaciously against the bourgeois regime. By the time he resigned as a Diet member in 2003, Fuwa Tetsuzo had clashed with 18 Japanese prime ministers in the Diet. Many of the issues he raised not only drew high social attention at the time but remain widely focused upon today.
Ueda Chikako and Fuwa Tetsuzo, this revolutionary couple, have supported each other through more than 60 years of trials and tribulations since they first met. They have never changed their shared ideals, beliefs, and life goals, nor have they wavered in their steadfast love. As they stated in their wedding vows: "We two marry here, swearing to be of one heart forever, to depend on each other for life, and to work together with all our might to strive unceasingly for the great cause of world peace and liberation." This is perhaps the shared aspiration of the 320,000 members of the JCP. If one reads Madam Chikako’s memoirs alongside Fuwa Tetsuzo’s autobiography Testimony of the Times (published in 2011), one will gain a more comprehensive understanding from both theory and practice, and from the political stage to behind the scenes, further grasping the history of the post-war JCP movement while gaining a deeper and more detailed understanding of contemporary Japanese history and society.
Madam Chikako’s autobiography can also be read as a vivid, concise, and accessible work of folklore history. The Japanese customs, traditions, and social nuances she depicts give the reader a sense of being there in person. Within the soft and graceful atmosphere created by her feminine sensibility, the author unintentionally leads you to the final page, leaving you with an understanding of the various changes in Japan’s politics, economy, culture, and society—and ultimately, a lingering desire for more. From a female perspective and as an elder in life, she also provides us with much wise inspiration regarding women, love, marriage, family, and career.
(The author’s affiliation: Institute of Marxism Studies, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences) Online Editor: Caihong