Gao Tietai: The Impact of the Spread of Christianity on the Consciousness of the Chinese National Community and Its Countermeasures
General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out at the Central Conference on Ethnic Affairs: "We must take the forging of a sense of community for the Chinese nation as the main line of the Party's ethnic work in the New Era, encouraging all ethnic groups to strengthen their high degree of identification with the great motherland, the Chinese nation, Chinese culture, the Communist Party of China, and socialism with Chinese characteristics, and continuously advancing the construction of the Chinese nation community."[1] Identification with the great motherland and the Chinese nation is an essential component of the "Five Identifications" [1] concept and an important cornerstone of the sense of community for the Chinese nation. Taking the China-Burma border region in the 1930s as a case study, this article explores the weakening of the sense of community for the Chinese nation among local ethnic groups due to the spread of Christianity, as well as the perceptions of and solutions to this problem by various sectors of society. It should be noted that "Christianity" as used in this article is referred to in its broad sense, encompassing both Catholicism and Protestantism.
I. Confusion of National Identity Among Ethnic Groups in the China-Burma Border Region in the Early 20th Century
Traditional China used the "distinction between Hua and Yi" [2] to represent the relationship between the Han and other ethnic groups, the center and the periphery, and civilization and barbarism. Different ethnic classifications were formed on this basis, such as the ethnonyms Man (蛮), Miao (苗), and Yi (夷) in the southwest. However, Han Chinese writing at that time did not pay sufficient attention to the complex endonyms and exonyms of these groups. In the early 20th century, as national borders became clearly defined, these so-called Manyi gradually developed concepts of the state, "China," "ethnicity/nationality," and the "Chinese nation," recognizing the self, the other, the state, and the relationships between the three. During this process, the religious activities of Western missionaries in the southwest promoted the formation of modern national consciousness and self-awareness among various southwestern ethnic groups. Simultaneously, to a certain extent, these activities diluted the concept of the motherland, offset the influence of traditional Chinese culture, and severed the relationship between the frontiers and the interior. This led to confusion regarding state and national identity, and even seriously threatened national security during border disputes. During the late Qing and Republican periods, the delimitation of the China-Burma border gave rise to a series of disputes. Until the 1930s, the southern and northern sections of the China-Burma border remained undelimited, during which time Britain continuously encroached upon Chinese territory. At the end of 1933, the Burma Corporation (缅甸公司), under the escort of British colonial authorities, attempted to enter the Banhong area to develop the Lufang silver mine, triggering an armed conflict between local ethnic groups and British-Burmese troops, an event known as the "Banhong Incident" [3].
Following the "Banhong Incident," both China and Britain realized the gravity of the undelimited southern section of the China-Burma border and restarted boundary survey work that had been suspended for 30 years. In 1935, both sides organized the "Sino-British Boundary Commission for the Undelimited Southern Section of the Yunnan-Burma Border" to conduct a joint survey. During the survey process, the national identity of the indigenous inhabitants of the Banhong area was relatively confused. For instance, the King of Banhong hoisted the Kuomintang party flag to welcome the commission members, and the General Manager Hu Hanmin declared: "My family has served the Han Dynasty [4] for generations; the Han Dynasty has been good to my family. I cannot betray the intentions of my ancestors. If foreigners come, I must fight; this is my responsibility."[3] Faced with British economic lures and military threats, the headman of Banlao also stated: "Unless the day comes when the moon falls to the ground, I shall never surrender to the British."[4] However, identity regarding "China" was not consistent among the upper-level Tusi [5] and headmen of the Banhong area. For example, the King of Yongbang "betrayed China" and became an enemy of Banhong and Banlao. Ma Meiting, the headman of Bannong, was utilized by the British and "forgot his roots and sold out his country."[5]
From 1936 to 1937, during the second Sino-British joint survey of the southern section, incidents occurred in places like Yonghe where indigenous residents (primarily Christian converts) welcomed the British side while resisting Chinese personnel.
"Now that the Lohei (Lahu) have become converts, the Kawa (Wa) villages of Yonghe and Gannai have entered their fold. On this occasion, the converts welcomed the British and obstructed the Chinese commissioners; this was masterminded by the church, whose latent influence is not to be underestimated... While I (Fang Guoyu) was in Mengdong, just as we were suppressing the rebels of Yonghe, a reporter said: Fixed Kawa from Yonghe are loitering nearby. We sent men to capture one and asked: Who are you? Why are you here? He replied: I am a convert from Yonghe, sent by the King of Yonghe to bring a message to the British camp. Asked what the message was, he resolutely refused to answer. Even when threatened with execution, he said: I have already converted to the foreign religion; if the Han officials kill me, I have no grievances, but I cannot speak of the secret matters between the King of Yonghe and the British. Despite repeated questioning, he would not answer. Such is the extent of the foreign religion's schemes."[6]
Concepts of "China" and the "Chinese nation" among indigenous residents in the northern section of the China-Burma border were also extremely confused:
The Baiyi (Dai) near Khamti (now a district under Kachin State, northern Myanmar), being close to Burma, have had little contact with our side and were influenced by the British earlier. Consequently, only a few elderly people still possess a heart for the old ways; the younger generation mostly recognize the British as their masters and harbor particularly hostile feelings toward us. Thus, their people often curry favor with the British. The Qiu (Trung) people, however, live in lands close to us; it has only been a few years since they stopped paying tribute to us, and to this day they frequently trade and interact with our people, the intimacy of which remains unchanged from the past. Their relationship with the British is more distant, so their yearning for our country is very deep... Moreover, the people living in the mountains on the east bank of the Great Qiu River are Lisu and Nu who migrated from the Nu River. In the past, these groups were mostly those who managed the Qiu people and collected their tribute, occupying a superior ethnic status in the Qiu River region. Now that the land has been occupied by the British, they are like expatriates and their status is inferior even to the Qiu people; thus, their hatred for the British is quite strong, and they are extremely willing to assist us... As for the Puman (Blang) people of Jiangxinpo, they quite detest the British and have never had the intention of submitting to them, holding a favorable impression of our country instead.[7]
Evidently, the ethnic groups in the China-Burma border region are complex. Influenced by various factors, the identification with "China" varied greatly across different ethnic groups and even between different branches of the same group. Because certain groups in the China-Burma border area "lacked an understanding of the nation-state," they frequently moved entire tribes or villages to other countries: "In the border areas of Tengyue and Longling alone, there have been reports of an average of two to three thousand households of Yi residents migrating across the border every year in recent years."[8]
II. The Impact of Christianity on the Chinese Nation Community Consciousness of Ethnic Groups in the China-Burma Border Region
The spread and development of Christianity in the southwestern frontier regions has, to a certain extent, diluted the national and ethnic identification of local groups. Since the late Qing Dynasty, foreign missionaries arrived in the southwest one after another, even going to remote areas with harsh environments to proselytize. By the 1930s, Western missionaries were spread throughout the southwestern frontier and were active among the Lisu, Jingpo, Lahu, Nu, and Wa ethnic groups. In some groups, even "seven or eight out of ten were Christians."[9] For example, there were more than 25,000 believers in Lancang County, mainly Lahu and Wa; the number of believers in Shuangshan, Cangyuan, Gengma, and Mianning counties totaled 20,000, the vast majority being Lahu.[10] The Lisu believers in Lushui County numbered 9,000, accounting for more than 80% of the county's population.[11] The dissemination and development of Christianity in the China-Burma border region had a tremendous impact on the society, thought, and culture of local groups, producing the following effects from the perspective of state and national identity:
(i) Powerful religious appeal, undermining state prestige
These missionaries came to the Yunnan border and worked diligently, achieving significant results in their proselytization. In some places, the border residents "knew only the pastor and did not know there was a government,"[12] even ignoring summons from the Nationalist Government. Yet, when the pastor announced Christmas celebrations, they would travel dozens or hundreds of li [6], bringing along the old and young to celebrate the festival.[13] Some missionaries with ulterior motives used their preaching to boast about the strength of Britain and America and the superiority of Western civilization, even instigating ethnic tensions.
Because the church publicized American material civilization and sowed discord, the converts only knew that America was the strongest in the world and that they must rely on it. They believed the Han people were all bad and avoided interaction with them. They would sell their produce to America and then buy back what they needed.[14]
The aforementioned practices led to tense ethnic relations in the China-Burma border region. Some ethnic minorities developed an indifferent attitude toward China and the Chinese nation, cultivating a romanticized image of British Burma. For instance, Lisu believers in Lushui regarded the undelimited China-Burma border area as a "paradise," believing that "there was no oppression and burdens were very light." Whenever they felt "oppressed" by Tusi or merchants, they would take their families over the Gaoligong Mountains.[15] Missionaries, when describing the relationship between the Jingpo people and Britain, fabricated the claim that the Jingpo Prince was King George VI, causing some Jingpo to believe they were Burmese rather than Chinese.[16] Some missionaries directly incited Lahu converts to break away from China, telling them they "could not accept the jurisdiction of Chinese officials," should not pay taxes, should ignore mobilizations, and should not go to the authorities for civil litigation.[17]
(ii) Developing religious education, weakening national identity
Since the Ming and Qing dynasties, in order to implement the policy of "replacing local headmen with appointed officials" (gaituligui) [7] in the southwest, the central dynasties adopted the principle of "stabilizing the borders and transforming the people" (anbian huamin). They established schools at the department, prefecture, and county levels, as well as academies and community schools. However, the scope of this "civilizing influence" (jiaohua) was mainly concentrated on the upper classes of the ethnic minorities. Until the Republican period, the central government had failed to integrate the majority of southwestern indigenous residents into "Han" society, a problem that was particularly prominent in the China-Burma border region.
Missionary activities in the southwestern region were accompanied by the promotion of education.[18] "Without running schools, one cannot establish a foothold."[19] After putting down roots in the Yunnan border, the missionaries' top priority was to build churches and schools. According to statistics, missionaries opened nearly a hundred primary and secondary schools in the ethnic inhabited areas of Yunnan, as well as numerous training and crash courses in various formats. Compared to the interior, the characteristic of church schools in the Yunnan border was the integration of schooling with religious education and activities; the church was the school.[20]
These church schools not only had a strong religious character but also possessed a powerful political orientation. Regarding teaching materials, many were compiled in "Yi scripts" (indigenous scripts), English, or Burmese. Teachers were mostly members of the local ethnic group who had studied in Burma (mostly religious figures) or were sent directly from Burma by the church. The teaching content was often "incompatible with national and ethnic thought." For example, textbooks in church schools in the Lahu areas of the Lancang River contained lessons like "The Han people are coming, I am afraid," and prayers like "O God, the Han family oppresses us."[21] Literacy primers in the Jingpo missionary area included sentences like "Our leader is the British King," and students' daily prayers often included "God bless you—America." These practices resulted in students being familiar with London, Rangoon, Myitkyina, and Bhamo, while remaining entirely ignorant of Beijing, Shanghai, and Kunming.[22]
The "Yi scripts" mentioned earlier were mostly scripts created by various missionaries for the scriptless ethnic groups of the southwest. Usually, Western missionaries assigned to various Chinese dioceses had to learn Mandarin first. However, the Yunnan border had numerous ethnic groups and complex languages; many of these border residents did not understand Mandarin, let alone Chinese writing. To facilitate proselytization, missionaries learned local languages and created scripts for groups that had none.[23] On this basis, they translated and printed scriptures in various scripts to facilitate preaching. The "Yi scripts" created by missionaries objectively solidified ethnic boundaries, put into practice the classification of "Han" and "non-Han" among southwestern ethnic minorities,[24] strengthened self-awareness, and to some degree weakened the indigenous residents' identification with the state and the Chinese nation.
It cannot be denied that the establishment of church schools and the creation of scripts ended the long-standing situation where scriptless ethnic groups in the Yunnan border relied on oral history and notched wood or knotted cords for record-keeping, thereby promoting social development. However, these church schools had a heavy religious atmosphere, their main purpose was proselytization, and the content taught was "incompatible with national and ethnic thought," posing "a tremendous obstacle to the national polity and sovereignty."[25] They even forbade believers from continuing to secondary school after graduating from primary school: "It is enough to be able to read the Bible after finishing upper primary school; having too much knowledge leads to trouble."[26]
(iii) Reconstructing historical memory, offsetting traditional Chinese culture
Christianity is an "imported product," significantly different from Chinese civilization and the cultures of southwestern ethnic regions. Missionaries initially used facets of Western civilization—such as medicine, slideshows, and films—to attract the populace and achieved some success. However, as an exogenous religion, to conquer the local people's faith and change their thoughts and concepts, it needed to align with local history and culture. Consequently, missionaries began to exploit the legends of Kongming (Zhuge Liang) [8] that were widely circulated in southwestern ethnic regions: "Regarding the Yi people in the border areas, those who revere Lord Wu (Zhuge Liang) most deeply are the Yi people in the western (western Yunnan) borderlands."[27] These groups, including the Wa, Jingpo, Lisu, Lahu, and Hani, worshiped Kongming as a supreme deity and developed related customs. Some ethnic groups even believed their ancestors migrated to the region following Zhuge Liang's "Southern Campaign." Western missionaries fully utilized Kongming worship for proselytization. For instance, the Lisu people in the area from Pianma (now Pianma Town, Lushui City, Nujiang Lisu Autonomous Prefecture, Yunnan Province) to Weixi originally "regarded themselves as subjects of the Great Dynasty and were unwilling to be controlled by foreigners," often migrating to other places to avoid Western missionaries. The missionaries first used Western technology to attract them. Once initial success was achieved, they timely proclaimed: "God has two sons, the elder son Jesus and the younger son Kongming; both come to forgive all sins and save people from all disasters," and "Since you believe in Old Man Zhuge Liang, you must listen to the teachings of his brother Jesus," etc. This led the "masses to believe without doubt," achieving ideal missionary results.[28]
The legends and worship of Kongming [9] represent the efforts of Southwestern ethnic groups to find suitable "heroic ancestors" within Chinese historical memory, thereby proving their descent from the Huaxia [10] (the ancient Chinese heartland) [37]. This was, in fact, the cultural foundation and expression of "Chinese" (Zhongguo) identity, as contemporaries noted: "The fact that the general wild Yi [11] consider themselves the descendants of the Great Han Dynasty is largely due to the binding force of Kongming" [38]. Missionaries first equated Jesus with Kongming and then replaced Kongming with Jesus, thereby altering the historical memory of Southwestern ethnic groups, forming a new psychological framework, and diluting the shared culture of the Chinese nation.
Furthermore, in the Lahu-populated areas of western Yunnan, missionaries claimed that the Lahu and Western peoples were originally one family—with Westerners being the sons of the maternal uncle and the Lahu being the sons of the paternal aunt. They allegedly lived together in the West until the Lahu ancestors migrated to the East. According to this narrative, the Lahu had no original relationship with the Han people, and the land they cleared and farmed was not Chinese territory. To remain faithful to their ancestors, they were told they could not believe in the "Han religion" but must follow the Western religion; as Westerners believe in God, do not fear ghosts, and do not sacrifice to ancestors, and some Lahu still live in the West [39]. To facilitate proselytization, missionaries combined Christianity with ethnic legends, reconstructed social memory, and even distorted history. These actions altered the identification of various ethnic groups on the Yunnan frontier with "China," threatening the territorial security of China's southwestern borders. Missionaries active in the undemarcated northern section of the China-Burma border once claimed: "Regarding the undemarcated territory, you Chinese say it is China’s, and the British say it is Britain’s. My side suggests it would be best to hold a vote and adopt democracy to see which country the people belong to" [40].
Beyond military aggression against Chinese territory, colonizers utilized Christianity for ideological conquest. Missionaries actively established churches and schools in the China-Burma border regions to spread Christian thought among local ethnic minorities. "The British sent preachers to every village to explain and propagate at any time. The simple frontier people were gradually numbed" [41]. Those with ulterior motives guided matters of faith toward ethnic antagonism and the confrontation between China and the United States or Britain [42], severing the relationship between ethnic minorities and China. This divided and disintegrated the Chinese nation, leading to the seizure and expansion of borders, thereby endangering the nation’s territorial security.
III. The Understanding of and Response to the Christian Issue in the China-Burma Border Region by Various Sectors of Society
After the "September 18th Incident" [12], Japan intensified its efforts to divide and incite the various ethnic groups on China's frontiers. For instance, Japan supported and encouraged Thailand to advocate for "Pan-Thaiism" in a futile attempt to split China's southwestern frontier. The frontier crisis in the Southwest seriously threatened the survival of the state and the nation; at this time, national defense construction became particularly important. "As for so-called national defense, the will and spirit of the people are most important. If the people all possess a strong sense of national and ethnic consciousness, then even if military power is somewhat lacking, they can still defend the country and resist the enemy" [43]. However, at that time, the national concept and ethnic consciousness of the frontier peoples in Southwest China were weak, and there were even phenomena where "they harbored feelings of hostility toward us" [44]. To this end, the academic community conducted various investigations and research and launched the debate on the proposition that "The Chinese Nation is One."
Under the struggle for the "frontiers," the integration of the "Huaxia" and the "Four Yi" (four peripheral groups) into a single "Chinese nation" (Zhonghua minzu) gradually became the national blueprint in the minds of many Chinese intellectuals during the late Qing and early Republican periods [45]. This inaugurated "Southwestern Ethnic Studies" in modern China [46]. During this period, the central government and the Yunnan provincial government organized multiple investigations covering issues such as Yunnan's ethnic groups, the Tusi (native chieftain) system [13], and frontier affairs. The Yunnan Provincial Government also established research institutions such as the "Yunnan Provincial Miao-Yi Ethnic Issues Research Association" and the "Frontier Administration Planning Committee." Members of these institutions actively conducted ethnic social surveys and wrote numerous reports [47]. Additionally, universities and research institutions that had migrated westward [14] organized scholars to conduct large-scale field investigations and established specialized frontier academic institutions and journals. Their participation not only strengthened the discipline's capacity to research practical social problems but also brought significant changes in the research lineup, the depth and breadth of investigations, and the quality and quantity of research outputs [48]. In the 1930s, governments at all levels, scientific research institutions, and scholars paid great attention to the Christian issue on the southwestern frontier and proposed corresponding solutions.
(1) Social Recognition of the Christian Issue in the China-Burma Border Region
Around the 1930s, the "Anti-Christian Movement" and the "Movement to Recover Rights of Education" occurred. The suspicious actions and sinister intentions of missionaries regarding the China-Burma border demarcation and southwestern frontier ethnic issues also generated strong resistance among the Chinese people. Various articles and investigation reports not only outlined the dynamic evolution of the China-Burma boundary issue but also clearly pointed out the seriousness of the Christian issue in the China-Burma border region.
"Wherever they (missionaries) arrive, it is often a library-hospital-school 'three-pronged' approach: from collective training to individual influence, from treating diseases to distributing medicine, and from kindergartens and primary schools to middle schools and universities—nothing is missing, and facilities are established wherever there is a gap... Therefore, they all treat missionary work as a lifelong career... Because the frontier races are complex, the people's intelligence is low and dim, life is full of suffering, and the miasma is pervasive, as soon as they encounter overseas foreigners, they regard them as the saviors of the world; as soon as they see a brand-new hospital, they view it as a vessel for universal salvation... The 'Great Han Dynasty' that used to linger in their minds has been replaced by 'England' and 'America'; the 'Grandfather Kongming' who occupied their hearts has become 'Jesus the Savior' and 'Christ the True God.'" The clergy and pastors, who serve as the functional class of the imperialists, in addition to buying people's hearts in ordinary times, also investigate local products and strategic passes. This allows their home governments to exploit gaps; by reading reports, they penetrate frontier secrets. Furthermore, they intervene in civil and criminal cases and manipulate administrative affairs, causing constant disputes between Christian and non-Christian people. Once a change occurs, the imperialist aircraft and cannons fly in from afar under the sound of 'protecting expatriates,' and the tens of millions of Miao people, intoxicated by the pastors' coconut wine and morphine, welcome the foreign armies with baskets of food and jugs of wine [49].
Contemporaries clearly saw the strength of Christianity and missionary school influence in the China-Burma border region. They realized that it not only seriously affected the advancement of frontier education but also brought about a crisis of secession, threatened national sovereignty, and endangered the security of the southwestern frontier. It caused the frontier to transform "from China's shield into a vanguard turning its spearhead around, thus the vast desolate border faces the danger of changing its colors" [50].
Personnel who went to the China-Burma border region for investigation also saw that missionary schools had enlightened "the people's intelligence," broken local superstitions, and improved local social customs. They greatly admired the missionaries' spirit of sacrifice and their indomitable will. From the perspective of people in the interior, the Yunnan border was a place of "barbaric mists and malarial rains, venomous snakes and mute springs," and the local customs were "fierce, stubborn, and inhumane." Among those from the interior, "few go and even fewer know"; even officials of the Nationalist Government "viewed the frontier as a perilous path and hesitated to move forward" [51]. Yet these missionaries could risk their lives—"as foreigners with peculiar appearances and different languages"—to integrate with the border people, to the point that the border people "only knew the pastor and did not know there was a government." Meanwhile, the personnel sent to the border by the Nationalist Government "mostly could not settle into their positions" [52].
(2) Social Responses to the Christian Issue in the China-Burma Border Region
At this time, various sectors of society realized that the development of Christianity on the southwestern frontier seriously affected national and ethnic identity as well as territorial security, yet they did not directly interfere with the religious beliefs of the border people. Addressing the prosperity of Christian forces, especially missionary schools, contemporaries generally believed that frontier education should be promoted, shared historical memory should be strengthened, and the concepts of state and nation among border people should be awakened to establish the firm conviction that "The Chinese Nation is One."
1. Constructing a Shared Culture and Advancing Frontier Education
Contemporaries believed that "the failure of Chinese education and culture to reach [the frontier] allowed the influence of the church to take root" [53]. The key to constructing a common culture was developing frontier education: "Only by universalizing education for border people can we promote a spirit of shared destiny and life cooperation for the entire nation" [54]. To this end, the academic community engaged in in-depth discussions on the content, personnel, funding, and teaching materials of frontier education. To address the secession issues brought by Christianity, they suggested the following measures:
First, emphasize National Language (Guoyu) education, prohibit the use of scripts created by the churches, and expand the use of phonetic symbols for frontier dialects [55]. As a symbolic system, language is not only an important medium for social interaction but also a shaper of concepts. The Yunnan border had numerous ethnic groups and complex languages; except for the Dai, most had no written script. Consequently, "if foreigners wanted to enter the territory, they had to learn these languages; and because no scripts existed, it was difficult for many outsiders to learn" [56]. This also made it difficult for the Nationalist Government's decrees to be implemented on the southwestern frontier, affecting normal interactions between ethnic groups. Between the Yi and the Han, "a deep chasm was formed, making these ethnic groups, who belong to one family, appear as two opposing entities" [57]. Therefore, scholars suggested that the Nationalist Government expand the use of phonetic symbols, placing them to the left or bottom of Chinese characters to improve the efficiency of National Language education. This would unify language and script, increase inter-ethnic exchange, and achieve the effect of "unifying culture through the national language and script" [58].
Second, compile textbooks and reading materials suitable for the frontier. Before missionaries entered the China-Burma border region, most ethnic groups in the area preserved their history and legends through oral tradition. Due to constraints such as language and culture, textbooks and reading materials published in the interior were not suitable for the frontier and thus did not circulate widely. The churches, however, printed religious stories in "Yi languages" (using scripts created by missionaries), which people vied to read. In response, researchers suggested compiling appropriate textbooks and readings that clarified China's history and appropriately integrated the oral stories of frontier compatriots. This would bridge the emotions between frontier compatriots and the interior and instill a "state-nation" (guozu) consciousness. Furthermore, introducing common knowledge of nature, science, and medicine—such as explaining the origins of diseases and the phenomena of thunder, lightning, rain, and dew—would counteract religious influence and break the authority of the clergy.
Third, cultivate teaching staff for frontier schools. After Li Yuegai and Ke Shuxun founded several schools on the Yunnan border, the local educational cause had largely stagnated, one reason being that "teachers were not easy to recruit" [59]. Investigators believed that ideal frontier school teachers should be hardworking, full of serving spirit, and familiar with local dialects [60]. However, people meeting these criteria were few; most went to work on the frontier out of curiosity and "mostly could not settle into their positions" [61]. On one hand, contemporaries called for frontier teachers to "abandon the habits of officialdom and adopt the spirit of missionary preaching" [62]; on the other hand, they suggested improving the treatment of frontier personnel and strengthening vocational training, especially enhancing their ability to use the National Language and script.
Fourth, strictly limit the scale and teaching content of missionary schools. It was suggested that administrative means be used to limit the hospitals and schools run by the churches in the southwestern frontier, especially in national defense strongholds. They proposed that the state provide additional funding and replace principals so these institutions would gradually drift away from the shackles of the church, allowing the authorities or direct supervisory agencies to exercise complete control [63]. Lancang County and other local governments took measures to restrict the activities of individuals like William Young [15], and the Shuangjiang Normal School took the opportunity to reclaim the site of the Mengmeng Church.
2. Awakening Historical Memory and Strengthening the Construction of a Shared Psychology
First, the various ethnic groups in the Southwest worshipped Kongming. As mentioned earlier, missionaries cleverly utilized this for their own ends. Contemporaries noted this, and while they considered the missionaries' methods to be fantastical and nearly absurd, they acknowledged they had achieved good results and were worth referencing. Zhuge Liang was an important link maintaining the connection between the Central Plains and the southwestern frontier compatriots, serving as an important foundation for "general wild Yi to consider themselves descendants of the Great Han Dynasty" [64]. Therefore, it was suggested to include him in textbooks and carry out various commemorative activities, such as building shrines to Zhuge Liang and erecting stele, to strengthen the ties between the border people and the interior. This was intended to use "physical imagery" to transmit and shape the collective memory of the people and create social members with a shared memory [65].
Second, history textbooks should propagate deeds of mutual harmony among various ethnic groups, explain the history of ethnic fusion, and the close geographical and economic relationship between the frontiers and the interior. They should emphasize that the current Chinese nation is not just one race but a mixture of many, making it clear that the various ethnic groups of the southwestern frontier are a part of the Chinese nation and should not be deceived or enticed by foreigners into self-division [66]. Furthermore, the theory that the Chinese nation shares the same origin and ancestry should be studied from historical, archaeological, and linguistic perspectives. Contemporaries believed this was not just a historical fact but should become a national policy, requiring specialized scholars to research the issue. This coincided with the "The Chinese Nation is One" grand discussion [67]. Influenced by this atmosphere, scholars researching the southwestern frontier wrote articles emphasizing that there is only one "Chinese nation" (Zhonghua minzu) in Yunnan and no other ethnicities [68]. Some scholars specifically researched and wrote articles on the common origin of the Han and southwestern ethnic groups, such as Zhang Tingxiu's "On the Common Origin of Miao, Yi, and Han" and "Further Discussion on the Common Origin of Yi and Han," which received positive scholarly responses [69].
3. Strengthening the Management of Christianity and Promoting the Indigenization of the Church
"The essence of foreign proselytization, though perhaps not every individual missionary harbored imperialist ambitions" [77], resulted in an increase in the centrifugal tendencies among the various ethnic groups of the southwest frontier. Various sectors of society began to focus on, reflect upon, and coordinate the issues of religion and the frontier. Generally speaking, people during this period advocated for the indigenization of Christianity. First, it was suggested that religious organizations and doctrines be made public, and that missionaries should exercise self-restraint to avoid entanglement with politics or the military. Second, the government should encourage and foster domestic churches, providing a degree of financial support to prevent them from turning to foreign powers for assistance [78]. Domestic churches and believers could organize themselves to replace Western missionaries in traveling to the frontier to preach [79]; for any denomination that promoted the excellence of Chinese culture, the various levels of government should provide assistance when they preached in provinces such as Yunnan, Guizhou, and Xikang [16]. Third, frontier churches should be guided to serve the frontier, thereby eliminating the negative influences brought about by the improper proselytization of certain foreign missionaries. Fourth, for all denominations receiving government assistance, their organization had to follow the organizational forms of Euro-American churches, and missionaries were required to receive a university education and obtain formal diplomas; contemporaries attempted to use this to standardize the content of proselytization, making religious activities rational and intellectual rather than resorting to "crooked paths" [17]. Fifth, any proselytizing organization involved in secret rituals, secret doctrines, or practices such as descending spirits [18], planchette writing [19], or incantations should be dissolved, and the heads of local public security organs should be punished according to the law [80].
4. Strengthening State Political Propaganda
At that time, the academic community advocated for and vigorously publicized the idea that "the Chinese nation is one" [20], imparting new knowledge, "molding new citizens," and cultivating sound citizens for the state [81], while promoting and strengthening the "nationalization" of southwest frontier groups and their "recognition of one country, one government, and one leader" [82]. In the process of gradually advancing frontier education in the southwest, and in response to the prevalence of "miasma" [21] and the extreme remoteness of the China-Burma border area—where conditions did not permit the establishment of schools—"mobile teaching teams" were organized to provide roving instruction. These teams were responsible not only for teaching activities but also for investigating mountains, rivers, topography, popular sentiment, customs, transportation, and local products, as well as for publicizing national consciousness. The horses and mules of the teaching teams flew a national flag, and they carried national flags and portraits of the President to distribute to frontier compatriots at any time. During the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, the focus was primarily on publicizing the resistance and state-building, the significance of national unity, and the elimination of barriers caused by provincialism or narrow ethnic conceptions [83]. Additionally, the Three People's Principles [22], important speeches by leaders, and pamphlets on the resistance and state-building were translated into Yi and Dai scripts with phonetic notation and distributed in the China-Burma border area to conduct national propaganda, enhance the national and ethnic consciousness of frontier residents, and consolidate their national identity and sense of a community for the Chinese nation.
The various measures taken by Chinese government levels, officials, and intellectuals in the 1930s resisted, to a certain extent, the fragmentation and disintegration of the Chinese nation caused by Christianity in the China-Burma border area. They also prompted various sectors of society to deliberate on and explore the "Sinicization" of Christianity, and Christian thinkers began to reflect, from their perspective as believers, on "what contribution Christians can make to the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation" [84].
IV. Contemporary Inspirations from the Spread of Christianity in the China-Burma Border Region in the 1930s
Yunnan is a frontier province with multiple ethnic groups and religions, a long border line, and many transborder ethnic groups. It is a main corridor for external hostile forces to conduct terrestrial infiltration into our country; the situation of infiltration and counter-infiltration is severe. Especially since the 1980s, the state has adjusted its religious policies, and the church has been restored and developed in border areas. With China's comprehensive opening up, and particularly in recent years, many overseas religious and hostile forces have used modern information technology to carry out large-scale religious infiltration in the Yunnan border regions under slogans such as "Frontier Projects" and "Sowing Plans" [85]. Drawing lessons from the response of various sectors of society to the Christian issue in the China-Burma border area in the 1930s, resisting overseas religious infiltration and maintaining the security and stability of frontier ethnic areas requires adhering to "religious Sinicization" and "forging a strong sense of community for the Chinese nation." This is the main thread of our country's current work on ethnic and religious affairs, and it is the core issue of ethnic and religious research.
(1) Promoting the Sinicization of Christianity in Frontier Ethnic Areas
The core elements of the Sinicization of Christianity are its identification with Chinese politics, its adaptation to Chinese society, and its expression through Chinese culture. Christianity in China must identify with our basic political system and relevant policies. To this end, the Central Committee has continuously emphasized adhering to the principle of independence and self-governance, actively guiding Christianity to adapt to socialist society, and guiding religion to strive to serve economic development, social harmony, cultural prosperity, ethnic unity, and the reunification of the motherland [86]. Furthermore, we should improve and develop the organizational functions of the two national Chinese Christian organizations (the National Committee of the Three-Self Patriotic Movement of the Protestant Churches in China and the China Christian Council), especially leveraging the political, religious, and social functions of the grassroots "Two Committees." Culturally, it must integrate with China's traditional thought and culture to express and construct its own Christian theological discourse system; the daily life and religious rituals of the church should also adapt to the times and to Chinese culture, forming Christian life with Chinese characteristics.
After more than a century of dissemination and development in the frontier ethnic areas of Yunnan, Christianity has integrated with local multi-ethnic cultures, reconstructing a "transborder ethnic Christian culture" that combines Christian and frontier cultures, gradually transforming it from a "foreign religion" into a "Christianity of Yunnan's transborder ethnic groups" [87]. Although, overall, the national identity consciousness of Christian believers in the Yunnan frontier has greatly improved, the influence of overseas Christian forces remains in certain local areas. For example, the development of Christianity among ethnic groups of the same origin across the border in Northern Burma and the infiltration of overseas religious forces have, to a certain degree, affected the national and ethnic identity of transborder ethnic groups in Western Yunnan. Regarding this, the Sinicization of Christianity in the China-Burma border area should allow ethnicity and Christianity to return to their roots after being imbued with national attributes, integrating them into the daily social life of frontier ethnic minorities. Ultimately, this will complete a "cross-border severance" of the religious and ethnic identities of the China-Burma transborder ethnic groups at both the level of institutional norms and psychological identity [88].
(2) Popularizing the National Common Language and Script
Language and script are tools for human communication and important carriers for the inheritance of civilization and culture. Using the national common language and script is not only a responsibility and obligation bestowed upon all citizens by the Constitution and the law but also a political bond that unites the Chinese nation. General Secretary Xi Jinping has pointed out: "Cultural identity is the deepest level of identity; it is the root of ethnic unity and the soul of ethnic harmony. We must earnestly do a good job in promoting and popularizing the national common language and script, and comprehensively promote the use of nationally compiled textbooks" [89].
From the perspective of the development of the state, the region, and local ethnic minorities, the promotion and popularization of the national common language and script is an important tool for ethnic minorities to learn modern science and technology and achieve modern information exchange. It can promote the economic, political, and cultural development of the state and frontier ethnic areas, and is a sharp weapon for strengthening the bond of the Chinese nation's economic interests [90]. From the perspective of ethnic exchange, the national common language and script is a linguistic tool shared by all ethnic groups. If frontier ethnic minorities are to adapt to modern society and engage in exchange, interaction, and integration with other ethnic groups within the country, they need to master the "inter-ethnic common language" of the Chinese nation—the national common language and script [91]. From the perspective of national and ethnic identity, the national common language and script is an important carrier of Chinese civilization and a cultural symbol of the community with a shared future for the Chinese nation. Promoting and popularizing the national common language and script is conducive to frontier ethnic groups participating in national construction, establishing and strengthening the emotional, ideological, and cultural identity of various ethnic groups, and enhancing identity with Chinese culture and Chinese national status.
In short, to resist overseas religious infiltration, maintain frontier stability and national security, and enhance the sense of community for the Chinese nation, we should naturally raise the requirements for the promotion of the national common language and script, standardizing its writing and expression. Especially in frontier ethnic areas, we need to adopt various methods and utilize modern information technology to promote and popularize the national common language and script in an all-around way.
(3) Strengthening the Historical Memory of the Chinese Nation
Historical memory is not a simple summation of individual memories; rather, it is the "process and result of community members sharing the past" [92]. It emphasizes the primordial emotional connections of an ethnic group, tribe, or social group and is also referred to as "primordial history," which functions to shape group identity [93].
The history of China is a history of various ethnic groups integrating and converging into a pluralistic-integrated Chinese nation; it is a history of all ethnic groups jointly creating, developing, and consolidating a great, unified motherland [94]. In the long course of historical development, the Chinese nation has formed a rich and vivid historical memory that is constantly enriched, developed, and continued. The Chinese nation possesses a vast amount of historical literature and materials recording the exchanges, interactions, and integration between various ethnic groups, such as the connection between the "Southern Barbarians" [23] and the Yellow Emperor, and the worship of Zhuge Liang [24]. These historical memories are precious carriers for us to forge a strong sense of community for the Chinese nation. In modern times, facing foreign aggression and oppression, the Chinese nation united to resist foreign aggression. For example, during the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, the ethnic minorities of the Yunnan frontier actively participated in various activities to save the nation, such as building the Burma Road, joining field service corps, organizing donations, seeing off new recruits, and consoling the families of soldiers. This not only reflects the wide recognition of the sense of community for the Chinese nation among various ethnic groups in the Yunnan frontier during the war but also formed a new historical memory, further enhancing the solidarity of community members.
In addition to literature and historical materials, historical memory includes "material images" such as museums, cultural sites, exhibition halls, and ethnic artifact centers, as well as "social behavioral scenes" such as public festivals and ceremonial anniversaries; all of these can transmit and shape historical memory. We must guard and inherit historical memory, deeply excavate the spiritual essence of historical resources, and "nourish the frontier with culture" [25], so that they are internalized as the motive force for consolidating a deep-level identity for the Chinese nation.
The world today is undergoing profound changes unseen in a century, and our country is in a critical period for realizing the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation; ethnic and religious work faces new situations and tasks. To maintain the stability and development of frontier ethnic areas in the New Era, we must take the forging of a strong sense of community for the Chinese nation as the main thread, promote the high-quality development of the Party's ethnic work in the New Era [95], and guide people of all ethnic groups to firmly establish the shared concepts of sticking together through thick and thin, sharing honor and disgrace, standing together in life and death, and sharing a common destiny. Facing the infiltration of overseas Christian forces, we should actively guide religion to adapt to socialist society, improve the level of self-management within religious circles, improve the level of the rule of law in the governance of religious affairs, and strive to create a new situation for religious work [96].