Han Hongliang: An Analysis of General Secretary Xi Jinping’s Important Thought on the Party’s Self-Revolution
General Secretary Xi Jinping has pointed out: "As the world's largest Marxist governing party, how can our Party successfully escape the historical cycle of rise and fall [1], and ensure that the Party never changes its nature, its conviction, or its character? This is a strategic question facing all comrades of the Party." Since the 18th National Congress, the CPC Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core has, with immense political courage, a strong sense of mission, and firm conviction in victory, advanced theoretical, practical, and institutional innovation in comprehensively and strictly governing the Party. These efforts have formed General Secretary Xi Jinping’s important thoughts on the Party's self-revolution, which "scientifically answer three major questions regarding the Party's self-revolution and clearly put forward the 'nine requirements' [2] for advancing self-revolution." This important body of thought further deepens our understanding of the laws governing the building of a Marxist party and the laws of Communist Party governance. It crystallizes new experiences from the construction of Party conduct, clean government, and the anti-corruption struggle, expands the horizons of comprehensively and strictly governing the Party, opens a new realm for the Party's self-revolution, and provides a powerful theoretical weapon and scientific guide for action to lead the great social revolution [3] through the Party’s self-revolution on the new journey in the New Era.
I. The Foundations of the Formation of General Secretary Xi Jinping’s Important Thoughts on the Party’s Self-Revolution
No theory emerges out of thin air; the formation and creation of any thought are inseparable from certain objective and subjective conditions. Looking at the formation process of General Secretary Xi Jinping’s important thoughts on the Party's self-revolution since the 18th National Congress, it is clear that solid theoretical support, rich innovative practice, profound historical experience, and a strong sense of mission together constitute the foundation and basis for this important thought.
(1) Solid Theoretical Support
This important thought possesses deep theoretical support. First is the theoretical guidance of the Marxist view of the political party. A Marxist party is a people-oriented party; the movement of Communists differs from all previous movements in that it is an "independent movement in the interest of the vast majority." The value orientation of a people-oriented party determines that Communists must persist in what is right and correct what is wrong in their own building, always maintaining the advanced nature and purity of the political party. Furthermore, a Marxist party is a mission-oriented party, charged with the sacred mission of overthrowing the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, establishing proletarian political power, and realizing Communism. Marx and Engels believed that Communists "can only in a revolution succeed in ridding themselves of all the muck of ages and become fitted to found society anew." Here, "revolution" refers to social-political revolution—the violent action of one class overthrowing another—while "ridding themselves of all the muck of ages" refers to the Communists' self-revolution and self-sublation [4]. That is to say, while carrying out the great social revolution, Communists must simultaneously carry out a thorough self-revolution; this self-revolution is the premise and necessary condition for being "fitted to found society anew."
Second is the root positioning in fine traditional Chinese culture. The profound cultural heritage includes the practice of self-reflection summarized as "examining myself three times a day" [5], the sense of urgency found in the phrase "thrive in calamity and perish in ease" [6], and the spirit of reform captured in "if you can renovate yourself one day, do so from day to day; yea, let there be daily renovation" [7]. These traditions contain the unique wisdom of self-cultivation and the developmental philosophy of the Chinese people and the Chinese nation, providing philosophical thinking and political wisdom for the Party’s self-revolution and laying a solid cultural foundation. Since the 18th National Congress, the CPC Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core has persisted in the "Two Combinations" [8] and, focusing on in-depth reflection on major theoretical and practical issues of governing the Party in the New Era, has formed this original theoretical achievement: General Secretary Xi Jinping’s important thoughts on the Party’s self-revolution.
(2) Rich Innovative Practice
This important thought has a rich practical foundation. "The times are the mother of thought; practice is the source of theory." Any theory is a product of practice. This important thought is deeply rooted in the great practice of comprehensively and strictly governing the Party in the New Era. This practice is the driving force and source for the birth and development of this thought.
First, the resolution of prominent problems in Party governance gave rise to the need for theoretical innovation. The report to the 18th National Congress pointed out: "Some primary-level Party organizations are weak and lax; a small number of Party members and officials have wavering ideals and convictions and a weak sense of purpose; the problems of formalism and bureaucratism are prominent, and the phenomenon of luxury and waste is serious; passive corruption remains frequent and widespread in some areas, and the situation in the anti-corruption struggle remains grave." Corruption, in particular, was shocking; in some fields, Party leadership was weakened, Party building was lacking, and governance of the Party was ineffective. "The tasks of ensuring the Party exercises effective self-supervision and practices strict self-governance are more arduous and urgent than ever before." The strategic need to solve these prominent problems provided the practical impetus for theoretical innovation in Party governance.
Second, the innovative practice of governing the Party in the New Era gave birth to the innovative theory of the Party’s self-revolution. Faced with prominent problems, the CPC Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core took heavy-handed and decisive measures with unprecedented courage and determination. It used "strong medicine" to fight corruption and rectify conduct and discipline with an iron fist. It creatively advanced the Party’s political, ideological, organizational, conduct, and disciplinary construction, integrating institutional building throughout the entire process and all aspects of comprehensively and strictly governing the Party. It advanced the integrated approach of ensuring that officials do not dare, are not able, and have no desire to be corrupt, and untiringly promoted integrity among officials, clean government, and political probity. These efforts achieved historic and groundbreaking successes in Party governance and "explored a successful path to escape the historical cycle by relying on the Party's self-revolution." General Secretary Xi Jinping’s important thoughts on the Party's self-revolution are precisely the scientific summary and theoretical sublimation of the practical experience of comprehensively and strictly governing the Party in the New Era.
(3) Profound Historical Experience
This important thought possesses a heavy accumulation of experience. Being adept at summarizing, utilizing, and developing historical experience is the secret to the Party's success in leading revolution, construction, and reform. The Party's century-long history of struggle is a history of continuously summarizing, applying, and developing the experience of self-revolution. The Sixth Plenary Session of the 19th CPC Central Committee summarized ten items of historical experience from the century of struggle, the tenth of which is "persisting in self-revolution." The idea of persisting in self-revolution is deeply rooted in the Party's history of never concealing its faults, but rather insisting on self-identifying problems and self-correcting errors. The Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party adopted at the Seventh Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee, in the spirit of self-revolution, persisted in the truth and corrected errors, systemically purging and criticizing the "Left" and Right deviations [9] existing in the Party's history, allowing the whole Party to reach unprecedented solidarity and unity on the basis of Mao Zedong Thought. The Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party since the Founding of the People’s Republic of China adopted at the Sixth Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee summarized and analyzed the errors of the "Cultural Revolution," fully affirmed the line, principles, and policies since the Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee, and correctly evaluated Mao Zedong and Mao Zedong Thought. With a spirit of thorough self-revolution, and using its own wisdom and strength, the Party successfully resolved theoretical and practical problems concerning the future and destiny of the Party and the country, forcefully righting the course of the ship of China’s socialist modernization.
Facing the problems of lax and soft Party governance, since the 18th National Congress, "the Party has comprehensively and strictly governed itself with unprecedented courage and determination, delivering a 'combination punch' of self-revolution." Consequently, the problems of laxity and softness have been effectively resolved, serious hidden dangers within the Party, the military, and the state have been eliminated, and an overwhelming victory in the anti-corruption struggle has been achieved and fully consolidated. The Party has found self-revolution as the "second answer" to escaping the historical cycle [10]. It is specifically based on deep reflection on the historical experience of the Party's self-revolution that General Secretary Xi Jinping’s important thoughts on the Party's self-revolution were formed.
(4) A Strong Sense of Mission and Responsibility
This important thought contains a strong sense of mission and responsibility on the part of Chinese Communists, with General Secretary Xi Jinping as their chief representative. In November 2012, during the meeting of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the 18th CPC Central Committee with Chinese and foreign journalists, General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized the need to shoulder "three major responsibilities": responsibility to the nation, to the people, and to the Party. Responsibility to the nation means realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation; responsibility to the people means continuously meeting their aspirations for a better life; and responsibility to the party means achieving long-term governance. These "three major responsibilities" constitute an organic whole with internal logic; the responsibility to the Party is the decisive, fundamental, and prerequisite responsibility. Only by shouldering responsibility to the Party can one undertake the responsibility to the nation and the people. To this end, General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized: "Our responsibility is to work with all comrades in the Party to ensure the Party exercises effective self-supervision and practices strict self-governance, and to effectively solve prominent problems within the Party," ensuring the Party does not change its nature, conviction, or character. To forge iron, one must be strong oneself [11]. Whether the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation can be realized and a better life created for the people ultimately depends on whether the Party itself is "strong," and whether it possesses the wisdom and ability to "realize national rejuvenation and create a better life for the people." The Party's self-revolution is by no means just a matter of the Party’s own building; it is a fundamental issue concerning the future and destiny of the Party and the country. General Secretary Xi Jinping profoundly pointed out: "Our country, whether in terms of system, institutions, the path we take, or the unprecedented circumstances we face today, has similarities or near-identical aspects to the former Soviet Union. If we handle it well, we can walk out into a bright sunny day; if we do not, the Soviet Union's yesterday will be our tomorrow." This passage is filled both with a deep sense of urgency and a strong sense of mission—the Party must be led to forge "a bright sunny day." It is precisely this strong sense of mission that has injected powerful spiritual momentum into General Secretary Xi Jinping’s important thoughts on the Party's self-revolution.
II. The Scientific Connotation of General Secretary Xi Jinping’s Important Thoughts on the Party’s Self-Revolution
This important body of thought is rich in content, profound in perspective, and rigorous in logic. It profoundly explicates the basic connotation of the Party’s self-revolution, why self-revolution is necessary, why self-revolution is possible, and how to advance self-revolution, forming a unique scientific theoretical system. We must study and understand this important thought deeply and thoroughly to provide a powerful theoretical guarantee for advancing the Party's self-revolution on the new journey in the New Era.
(1) Regarding the Basic Connotation of the Party’s Self-Revolution
The Party's self-revolution is different from political revolution. The terms "the Party’s self-revolution" and "political revolution" both contain the word "revolution," but the meaning of "revolution" differs. In "political revolution," the meaning is the total and fundamental negation of the old by the new. "Political revolution" is the fundamental negation of the old society by the new society, i.e., the fundamental negation of the old social nature and system by the new social nature and system; summarized generally, it is replacement—the new replacing the old. In the Communist Manifesto, Marx and Engels pointed out: "In place of the old bourgeois society, with its classes and class antagonisms, we shall have an association, in which the free development of each is the condition for the free development of all." Here, Marx and Engels used the word "in place of" (replacement). Who replaces whom? The new "association of free individuals"—Communism—replaces that "old bourgeois society with its classes and class antagonisms." How is this replacement achieved? What are the means and paths? It is the violent revolution spoken of by Marx and Engels—the political revolution of the proletariat. Mao Zedong pointed out: "A revolution is an insurrection, an act of violence by which one class overthrows another. A rural revolution is a revolution by which the peasantry overthrows the power of the feudal landlord class." Here, "revolution" and "rural revolution" are also spoken of at the level of political revolution. The "revolution" in "the Party’s self-revolution" clearly does not carry this level of meaning. It borrows the word "revolution" and adds the word "self" (自我, zìwǒ) in front of it. Understood literally, it means "the self revolutionizing its own life" (自己革自己的命, zìjǐ gé zìjǐ de mìng). If understood according to the definition of political revolution, it would mean the self completely negating itself. Clearly, a mission-oriented and people-oriented Marxist party must not do this. In the Party’s self-revolution, the subject and object are identical—the subject is the object, and the object is the subject. Its self-revolution is the self treating its own illness. Here, "revolution" means reform, improvement, and refinement—promoting the dialectical negation of the old by the new so that the self achieves better survival and development.
The Party's self-revolution focuses on promoting self-supervision. The Party's self-revolution must be dedicated to solving the problems existing within the Party itself, especially the unique challenges facing a large party. This is the internal law and basic experience of comprehensively and strictly governing the Party. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out:
"Power without supervision inevitably leads to corruption; this is an iron law." When corruption reaches a certain level, the governing party or ruling group will inevitably face the "death of the person and the cessation of the governance"—this is also an iron law repeatedly proven by history and practice. From this, we can see the extreme importance of supervision for the long-term survival of a political party or regime. Over the past century, a critical reason why the Communist Party of China (CPC) has been able to grow from small to large, from weak to strong, and continuously expand is that "externally, it relies on developing people's democracy and accepting people's supervision; internally, it relies on comprehensively and strictly governing the Party and promoting self-revolution." For the Party, there is supervision from both outside and inside; "internally relying on comprehensively and strictly governing the Party and promoting self-revolution" refers to internal supervision. This internal supervision is articulated from the perspective of the "Party's self-revolution." Self-supervision is a core component of the Party's self-revolution; without self-supervision, there is no self-revolution. It is through self-supervision that problems are discovered, resolved, and the old is discarded in favor of the new [12]. In particular, through the Party's self-supervision, the "tough and protracted battle" against corruption is fought. The Party's self-supervision is an important means of advancing the anti-corruption struggle, and "anti-corruption is the most thorough form of self-revolution." Advancing the Party's self-supervision is advancing the Party's self-revolution. The impetus for the Party's self-supervision comes from its original aspiration and founding mission; a Marxist party that seeks happiness for the people and rejuvenation for the nation does not fear any supervision. The CPC possesses a firm and conscious awareness of self-supervision and immense strategic resolve. The Party relies on its own strength and wisdom to discover its own problems. Only by being adept at discovering problems, identifying them in a timely manner, and having the courage to face them head-on can the necessary prerequisites and conditions for solving them be established. "We cannot remain dull to the problems existing within ourselves, nor can we be slow and soft in handling them; otherwise, it will eventually lead to the death of the person and the cessation of the governance!" The Party has always relied on its own efforts to resolve its problems in a timely and effective manner. All of this stems from the inherent necessity of the Party's self-revolution.
3. The essence of the Party's self-revolution is self-sublation. What is the Party's self-revolution? General Secretary Xi Jinping profoundly pointed out that the Party's "self-revolution is to supplement calcium and strengthen the bones, to eliminate toxins and kill germs, to 'cut the wrist like a brave warrior' [13], and to remove rot and grow new flesh, continuously clearing the viruses that erode the Party's healthy organism, continuously improving its own immunity, and preventing the 'death of the person and the cessation of the governance.'" Here, General Secretary Xi Jinping aims to emphasize the need to solve the Party's own prominent problems with firm confidence, a resolute style, and effective measures to achieve long-term governance. Its meaning has at least three layers: First, self-revolution is "removing rot," that is, "turning the blade inward" and "scraping the bone to treat the poison" [14], curing the "diseases" of political, ideological, organizational, and stylistic impurity within the Party, especially by advancing the construction of a clean government and the anti-corruption struggle. Second, self-revolution is "growing new flesh," achieving this through the "removal of rot." This means maintaining and carrying forward the Party's fine style, revolutionary traditions, and "red genes," staying true to the original aspiration and founding mission, and continuously enhancing the ability to resist corruption and prevent degeneration while improving the capacity for national governance. Third, self-revolution is always on the road. General Secretary Xi Jinping spoke of "two continuities" and "one prevention"—the struggle to "remove rot" is always on the road, and the innovation of "growing new flesh" is also always on the road. The Party's self-revolution is always a "work in progress" and never a "finished product." The Party's self-revolution is about "resolutely struggling against all problems that affect the Party's advanced nature and weaken its purity, achieving self-purification, self-perfection, self-innovation, and self-improvement." The essence of such self-revolution is the Party's dialectical negation and self-sublation (Self-Aufhebung)—it must both maintain the Party's nature and purpose and achieve new, with-the-times development. Since the 18th Party Congress, all the work carried out, systems formulated, and measures taken around comprehensively and strictly governing the Party fall within the scope of the Party's self-revolution. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: "Comprehensively and strictly governing the Party is the great practice of the Party's self-revolution in the New Era, opening up a new realm for the self-revolution of a century-old major party." [16]P588 This important discourse profoundly explains the dialectical unity between comprehensively and strictly governing the Party and self-revolution. The process of comprehensively and strictly governing the Party is the process of the Party's self-revolution.
(II) Regarding the Great Significance of the Party’s Self-Revolution
1. The strategic need to lead a great social revolution. Since the 18th Party Congress, General Secretary Xi Jinping has repeatedly emphasized the need to lead a great social revolution through the Party's self-revolution. This important viewpoint profoundly explains the great significance of the Party's self-revolution, the theoretical logic of which is: Party building must lead and serve the Party's great cause. This is a scientific conclusion based on the Party's century-long practice of struggle. Lenin once said, "Give us an organization of revolutionaries, and we will overturn Russia!" He aimed to emphasize the extremely important leading role of Party leadership and construction for social revolution. In June 1989, facing prominent problems within the Party, Deng Xiaoping pointed out with deep concern: "To achieve our strategic goals, if we do not punish corruption—especially corruption at the high levels of the Party—there is indeed a danger of failure." This argues the importance of Party building for achieving the Party's strategic goals from a negative perspective. From today's viewpoint, this is the extreme importance of the Party's self-revolution for advancing the great cause and realizing the great dream. Anti-corruption is a strategic necessity for achieving the Party's strategic goals, namely leading and serving the great social revolution. For over a hundred years, the great social revolution engaged in by Chinese Communists has been the great undertaking of revolution, construction, and reform dedicated to seeking happiness for the people, rejuvenation for the nation, and the common good for the world (Da Tong). This undertaking has profoundly changed China and deeply influenced the world. Today, this undertaking is centrally manifested in upholding and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics and comprehensively promoting the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation through Chinese-path modernization. This is an unprecedented cause; the heaviness of the tasks the Party carries, the severity of the challenges it faces, and the complexity of the problems it confronts are rare in the world and rare in history. Without excellent capabilities and qualities, it is difficult to shoulder this historical mission or to lead and steer this great social transformation. In this regard, General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized: "To carry out the great social revolution of upholding and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics in the New Era, our Party must have the courage to carry out self-revolution and build the Party into a stronger and more powerful force." This viewpoint profoundly discusses that the significance of self-revolution lies in leading and serving the great social revolution.
2. The strategic need to solve the unique challenges facing a large party. The Party's self-revolution must be dedicated to solving its own prominent problems and "preventing trouble from arising within the house" [15]. "This is the fundamental significance of why our Party must continuously carry out self-revolution." As the world's largest Marxist governing party, the CPC shoulders the historical mission of uniting and leading the people to build a modern socialist powerful country in all respects and realize the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. Its tasks of managing and governing the Party are exceptionally heavy and difficult, as is its mission of national governance. In this regard, General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: "A large party and a large country are our advantages for accomplishing big things and building great undertakings, but they also mean our Party faces many unique challenges in managing the Party and governing the country." Recognizing and facing these unique challenges are the prerequisites for solving them. Only by accurately identifying these unique challenges can we advance the Party's self-revolution with greater focus, ensuring the Party forever preserves its political character as a Marxist party and stands at the forefront of the times. So, what unique challenges does the CPC face as a large party? Building on long-term and in-depth reflection on the theory and practice of comprehensively and strictly governing the Party, General Secretary Xi Jinping profoundly pointed out: "How to always stay true to the original aspiration and founding mission, how to always unify thoughts, will, and actions, how to always possess strong governing capacity and leadership levels, how to always maintain an enterprising spirit, how to always be able to discover and solve its own problems in a timely manner, and how to always maintain a clean and upright political ecosystem"—these are the unique challenges the CPC must solve as a large party. It can be said that the various problems existing within the Party are inextricably linked to these "six how-to-always" questions. These "six always" represent the direction of the Party's self-revolution. To achieve these "six always," we must "scrape the bone to treat the poison" regarding the prominent problems existing in these areas and take a precise "scalpel" to all factors that affect these "six always." The resolution of problems cannot be achieved once and for all; the answers to the "six how-to-always" questions are always on the road, and the Party's self-revolution will certainly be a long-term strategic project.
3. The strategic need to escape the historical cycle. In July 1945, in a cave dwelling in Yan'an, Huang Yanpei asked Mao Zedong how the CPC could escape the "historical cycle" of the rise and fall, order and chaos of regimes throughout Chinese history. Mao Zedong responded with "letting the people supervise the government." This question-and-answer session, frozen in the depths of history, is the famous "Cave Dialogue." In Mao Zedong's view, the people's regime led by the Communist Party is different from all previous feudal dynasties; the CPC has the ability, wisdom, and methods to escape the historical cycle. Feudal dynasties could not escape the historical cycle due to their inherent historical and class limitations. In this regard, General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: "I often speak about the issue of the historical cycle; this was indeed a destiny that the feudal dynasties in our history could not escape." "Destiny" here refers to the historical inevitability of the trajectory of feudal regimes. At least two factors determined the historical inevitability of the "death of the person and the cessation of the governance" in feudal dynasties: first, the serious corruption of the feudal ruling group itself—it can be said that corruption was an important cause of the collapse of their regimes; second, the feudal ruling groups could not solve their own corruption problems and lacked a spirit of thorough self-revolution. Since the 18th Party Congress, the CPC Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core has embarked on an unprecedented new journey of comprehensively and strictly governing the Party with great political courage. It has continuously deepened its understanding of the laws of Marxist party building and the laws of Communist Party governance. Following "letting the people supervise the government," it has creatively found the "second answer" to escaping the historical cycle: self-revolution. This has greatly enriched the theoretical response and practical handling of the "Cave Dialogue question." It emphasizes that "having the courage for self-revolution and accepting people's supervision are internally consistent," both aiming to solve the Party's own prominent problems, especially corruption. "Only with the tenacity and persistence of 'anti-corruption is always on the road,' deepening the simultaneous treatment of symptoms and root causes, and ensuring that officials are honest, government is clean, and politics are upright, can we escape the historical cycle and ensure the long-term peace and stability of the Party and the country." Corruption is the "most prominent" of the Party's prominent problems, and the primary task of self-revolution is to resolutely and thoroughly fight corruption.
(III) Why the Party Can Carry Out Self-Revolution
1. Having no private interests of its own. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: "Our Party does not have any special interests of its own; this is the source of our Party's courage and the foundation of our confidence in self-revolution." Just as "a cliff stands a thousand feet high, strong because it has no desires," the absence of special interests or private gain is the reason, the power, and the spirit behind the CPC's ability to carry out thorough self-revolution. Precisely because it has no special interests or private gain, the Chinese Communists, in the process of self-revolution, need not fear what they might cut away, worry about what they might lose, or agonize over their own personal status while overcoming their shortcomings, correcting their mistakes, and solving their problems. "Because we serve the people, we are not afraid to have our shortcomings pointed out and criticized by others." It is also this selfless love for the people, firm stance, and broad mind that determine the Party's lack of fear toward self-revolution and its capacity to perform it. The "people-centered nature" is the essential attribute of the CPC; the entire reason for its founding, prosperity, and strengthening is for the people. This fundamental attribute determines that it cannot have its own special interests or private gain. Marx and Engels emphasized in the Manifesto of the Communist Party when discussing Communists: "They have no interests separate and apart from those of the proletariat as a whole." That is to say, Communists fight for the interests of the entire proletariat, and the communist movement they engage in is an "independent movement of the immense majority, in the interest of the immense majority." Furthermore, "in the various stages of development which the struggle... has to pass through, they always and everywhere represent the interests of the movement as a whole." Therefore, all behaviors that violate the Party's nature, purpose, original aspiration, or founding mission must be resolutely corrected; all problems that deviate from the Party's advanced nature and purity must be resolutely resolved; and all practices that do not conform to the people's stance or interests must be resolutely prevented and stopped. "The Communist Party is there to do things for the people." The needs of the people are the choices of the Communists. "We must resolutely guard against and strike at whatever the people oppose and hate. The people hate corruption most, so we must unswervingly oppose corruption." Therefore, the anti-corruption struggle is an act that wins the hearts of the people and is the most thorough form of self-revolution.
2. Not representing any interest group. General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized that the Party...
"[The Party] has no special interests of its own, and has never represented the interests of any interest group, any power bloc, or any privileged stratum." This important viewpoint profoundly elucidates the thoroughgoing people-centered nature and spirit of self-revolution among Communists; it also profoundly reveals the deep-seated reason why the Party is able to engage in self-revolution. The connotation of "not representing any interest group" is profound. First, the formation of any interest group within the Party is strictly prohibited. Mao Zedong long ago said that the Party "must not form an aristocratic stratum divorced from the people," precisely as a warning that vested interest groups must not form within the Party and that a spirit of self-revolution must be maintained. General Secretary Xi Jinping has emphasized the need to "resolutely prevent the formation of interest groups within the Party; if the Party's power is usurped by them, and the Party's leading officials become their agents or even form interest groups themselves, the Red Land will change its color" [16]. This emphasizes the severe harm caused by the formation of vested interest groups within the Party. If such groups were to form, it would constitute serious political corruption, meaning that Communists had forgotten their original aspiration and founding mission and, naturally, that the Party would inevitably lose the spirit and impetus for self-revolution. Second, we must resolutely guard against and crack down on "hunting" [17] and the erosion of Party officials by any interest groups. Under the conditions of a market economy, the principle of commodity exchange may permeate political life; power and money may collude, and politics and economics may mix. "The 'hunting' by various interest groups is organized and planned, with 'wolves' circling around leading officials and their relatives." In dealing with power, leading officials must always be cautious and "tread as if on thin ice." We must "resolutely prevent the formation of interest groups within the Party, and resolutely guard against various interest groups 'hunting' and kidnapping leading officials." By not representing any interest group, the Party possesses a thorough spirit of self-revolution; resolutely guarding against and cracking down on the "hunting" by interest groups is precisely an inevitable requirement and practical content of self-revolution.
3. The capability to solve its own problems. The reason the CPC can carry out self-revolution depends not only on its thoroughgoing people-centered nature and its determination and confidence in self-revolution, but also on its capacity and wisdom for self-revolution. This capacity and wisdom are not imposed on the Party by external forces but are inherent to the Party itself. In this regard, General Secretary Xi Jinping has profoundly pointed out: "The courage to engage in self-revolution is the most distinctive character and the greatest advantage of our Party." It is precisely because of this character and advantage that, for over a hundred years, the Party has risen from setbacks time and again, persisted in the truth and corrected errors by relying on its own strength, and calibrated the course of its great cause. It is only through the courage to engage in self-revolution that the Party can endure hardships without declining, become stronger through tempering, and continuously open up new horizons for the great cause of national rejuvenation. History and practice have fully proven that the Party possesses an extremely strong capacity for self-repair and self-purification. "If we compare our Party to a human body, then it is an organism full of vitality, fully capable of using its own strength to eliminate the viruses it has partially and temporarily contracted, and after eliminating these viruses, its immunity will be further increased." This is the Party's self-revolution—the Party using its own strength and wisdom to eliminate the "viruses" infecting the Party's organism. Since the 18th National Congress, the brilliant practice and historical achievements of comprehensively and strictly governing the Party have further proven that the Party possesses a thorough spirit and capacity for self-revolution. The century-long history of strict Party governance, especially the practice of comprehensively and strictly governing the Party in the New Era, has accumulated rich experience in self-revolution. Persisting in and effectively applying this experience will, in turn, greatly assist in enhancing the Party's capacity for self-revolution. Strong support from the people constitutes the source of strength for the Party's self-revolution. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: "The people hate corruption most. If we do not offend hundreds or thousands of corrupt officials, we will offend 1.4 billion people. This is a crystal-clear political accounting, an accounting of whose side the people are on." The Party promotes self-revolution with the determination and perseverance to "leave a mark in the iron it grasps and a footprint in the stone it treads" [18], winning the firm support of the people and consolidating the popular foundation of its governance, fully demonstrating the Party's capacity and wisdom for self-revolution.
(IV) The Basic Thinking on Advancing the Party’s Self-Revolution
1. Persisting in advancing self-revolution with a systems perspective. The Party's self-revolution is a systemic project with rich connotations, broad scope, and arduous tasks. It is exceptionally heavy, complex, and long-term in nature. We must persist in examining and overseeing the Party's self-revolution with a systems perspective. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: "The systems perspective is a foundational ideological and working method." Only by advancing the Party's self-revolution with a systems perspective can we avoid "treating the head when the head aches and the foot when the foot aches," enhance the integrity and synergy of self-revolution, and achieve twice the result with half the effort. At the Third Plenary Session of the 20th CPC Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCDI), General Secretary Xi Jinping put forward nine practical requirements (the "Nine 'By-means-ofs'") for advancing the Party's self-revolution. These are: "By means of taking the centralized and unified leadership of the CPC Central Committee as the fundamental guarantee; by means of taking the guidance of the great social revolution as the fundamental purpose; by means of taking Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era as the fundamental compliance; by means of taking escaping the historical cycle of rise and fall as the strategic goal; by means of taking solving the unique challenges facing a large party as the primary direction of attack; by means of taking the improvement of the system for exercise of comprehensive and strict Party governance as the effective path; by means of taking the forging of strong organizations and the building of a competent workforce as the important focal point; by means of taking the rectification of conduct, the discipline enforcement, and the fight against corruption as the important grasp; and by means of taking the combination of internal Party supervision and public supervision as the powerful impetus." The "Nine 'By-means-ofs'" are not isolated from one another or fighting separate battles; rather, they are interconnected and mutually reinforcing, forming an organic whole that meshes and assists each part. They creatively produce a "combination punch" of self-revolution, profoundly reflecting the worldview and methodology of the systems perspective. The implementation of each "By-means-of" must be understood and viewed within the context of the whole; the effectiveness of each must be evaluated in connection with the implementation of the other eight. One must never view or analyze any single requirement in an isolated or one-sided manner. Of course, persisting in a systems perspective does not mean applying force equally across all nine requirements without focus or strategy. Each of the "Nine 'By-means-ofs'" has its own emphasis in status and distinctive role. In implementing these requirements, one cannot "grab the eyebrows and the beard all at once" [19], nor can one work in isolation, focusing on one point while neglecting the rest. One must "learn to play the piano" [20], facilitating the mutual coordination of the "Nine 'By-means-ofs'" to play the most harmonious and beautiful melody.
2. Persisting in advancing self-revolution with historical thinking. The Party's self-revolution is both an active response to the major contemporary task of governing the Party and a scientific conclusion based on a profound summary of the historical experience and lessons regarding the rise and fall of political regimes. We must persist in learning from history. Historical thinking is a comparative way of thinking; it requires drawing on the successful experiences of predecessors through historical comparison, staying alert to the warnings of the past, and avoiding the phenomenon where "the people of later times are left to lament for those who came before them" [21]. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: "History is a mirror; it illuminates reality and also illuminates the future. Only by understanding and respecting history can we better grasp the present; only by taking history as a mirror and advancing with the times can we better move toward the future." We should view the Party's self-revolution within the 5,000-year history of Chinese civilization. From a perspective of historical comparison, we should deeply analyze the rationale, philosophy, and theory of why and how Chinese Communists advance self-revolution, drawing wisdom and strength from historical lessons. We must advance self-revolution on the basis of respecting historical laws. We must "pick up the telescope of historical laws to observe carefully," strengthening the study of historical laws, especially deepening the study of successes and failures in the management of officials throughout history. In this regard, General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: "Summarizing and analyzing the gains and losses of official management in our history is intended to strengthen and improve the management of cadres, providing a reference for leaping out of the historical cycle of rise and fall and achieving the prosperity and long-term stability of the Party and the state." We must continuously deepen the study of the Party's history, especially to truly "understand where we came from and where we are going; understand what Chinese Communists are doing, what they have done, and what they still need to do; and understand why we were successful in the past and how we can continue to be successful in the future." These "three understandings" contain the experience of why the Party succeeded in the past, the code for how it can continue to succeed in the future, and the great wisdom for the Party to remain perpetually youthful. Persist in advancing self-revolution from a developmental perspective. This is the inevitable logic of historical thinking. The subjects, objects, and the "Nine 'By-means-ofs'" of self-revolution are all constantly developing and changing. The Party's self-revolution will never be a "once and for all" or unchanging affair; we must maintain the unity of the subjective and the objective in a concrete and historical manner to seek the best results.
3. Persisting in advancing self-revolution with a sense of crisis. The Party's self-revolution itself is a strategic decision based on a strong sense of crisis and urgency, and a determination never to repeat the historical cycle of the rise and fall of regimes in Chinese history. A sense of crisis (yōuhuàn yìshí) is a form of bottom-line thinking. Advancing self-revolution requires strengthening bottom-line thinking—that is, the Party must prepare various contingency plans for solving its own problems. It is better to be prepared and not need them than to need them and not be prepared. We must ensure preparedness to avoid disaster and maintain the strategic focus and firm confidence to "turn danger into safety" and "turn misfortune into a blessing," thus preserving the Party's original aspiration and founding mission. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: "Since the 18th National Congress, I have repeatedly emphasized the need to persist in bottom-line thinking, which is to warn the whole Party to always remember: 'In security, do not forget danger; in existence, do not forget ruin; in order, do not forget chaos.'" By examining and solving its own problems with bottom-line thinking, the Party can fix the roof before it rains, foresee the direction and trends of germinating and nascent problems, prevent small problems from growing into large ones and economic issues from evolving into political and social ones, and thus take the initiative in the battle of self-revolution. A sense of crisis is also an orientation toward problem-solving. Advancing self-revolution must adhere to a problem-oriented approach—that is, the comprehensive and strict governance of the Party must "govern" and "strictly control" with an eye on the Party's own problems. Self-revolution must "revolutionize" and "eliminate" the "viruses" and "tumors" existing in the Party's organism. With the determination and perseverance of a "warrior hacking off his own wrist" or "scraping the bone to remove poison," the Party must focus on, study, and solve problems, achieving a "rebirth of the phoenix" and self-transcendence through continuous self-repair and purification. The ancient adage "life springs from sorrow and calamity, while death comes from ease and pleasure" [22] is a vivid depiction and profound summary by the Chinese nation of history—from the micro-level of an individual's life to the macro-level of political transitions. A sense of crisis is also a sense of responsibility. "The sense of crisis of us Communists is the awareness of worrying about the Party, the country, and the people; this is a responsibility, and even more, a commitment." The logic of the CPC's governance is that to govern the country, one must first govern the Party, and the Party must be governed strictly. By viewing the Party's self-revolution from the height of the future and destiny of the Party and the state, our vision becomes far-reaching, our perspective broadens, and our framework expands. We will thus advance the Party's self-revolution with firmer determination, a belief in victory, a tough style of work, and solid measures.
III. The Value and Significance of General Secretary Xi Jinping’s Important Thought on the Party’s Self-Revolution
This important thought has deepened the understanding of the laws of how to manage and govern the Party, particularly how to solve internal problems. It has opened a new realm for the Sinicization and modernization of the Marxist theory of the Party, written a new chapter of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, and formed a scientific theoretical system. We must deeply grasp the multiple layers of value and significance of this theoretical system to continuously enhance our firmness and consciousness in implementing this important thought.
(I) Deepening the understanding of the laws of Party governance under conditions of long-term rule. For the Party, only through long-term rule can it realize its historical mission and value pursuit. At the same time, under conditions of long-term rule, the Party faces dangers and challenges such as mental slackness, lack of capacity, being divorced from the masses, and passivity and corruption. Regarding this, General Secretary Xi Jinping profoundly pointed out:
“Under the conditions of the Party’s long-term governance, various factors that weaken the Party’s advanced nature and damage its purity exist at all times, and various dangers that violate our original aspiration and founding mission or shake the Party’s foundations are everywhere.” Addressing these factors and dangers that harm the Party’s leadership and governing status requires effective measures for resolution. If they are left to take their own course and develop unchecked, over time they will become an irreversible burden [23]; minor issues will grow into major ones, and quantitative change will spark qualitative change, potentially leading us down the same path as the regimes of the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe.
Regarding the danger of mental slackness, this important thought emphasizes establishing institutions for remaining true to our original aspiration and keeping our mission firmly in mind. This ensures that generations of Communists remain loyal to the Party, live up to the people’s expectations, and struggle unremittingly for the Party’s great cause. It calls for holding fast to the root of the Communist's career and entrepreneurship, remaining unswerving in “strengthening this faith, this conviction, and this loyalty.” Regarding the danger of capacity deficiencies, this important thought puts forward a series of highly actionable requirements on how to improve the skills and competence of officials. It particularly emphasizes that “leading officials must undergo rigorous ideological tempering, political training, and practical experience, facing the wind and rain, seeing the world, and strengthening their mettle in complex and severe struggles, truly forging themselves into ‘fine gold refined in the fire.’” True knowledge comes from practice, as do ability and skill; officials must improve their capabilities through practical exercise, especially through the tests of completing “urgent, difficult, dangerous, heavy, and new” [24] tasks.
Regarding the danger of becoming detached from the masses, this important thought points out that “the Party’s greatest political advantage is its close ties with the masses, while the greatest danger after taking power is becoming detached from the masses.” It insists on the supremacy of the people and the implementation of the people-centered development philosophy, emphasizing that this is the “magic weapon” [25] for the Party’s cause to be invincible and ever-victorious. Regarding the danger of passivity and corruption, this important thought emphasizes that corruption is utterly incompatible with the Party’s original aspiration and founding mission; it is the greatest danger and threat the Party faces. “Firmly opposing corruption and preventing the Party from decaying and changing its nature under conditions of long-term governance is a major political task we must handle well.” These new ideas and judgments signal that our Party’s understanding of the laws governing Party management and governance has reached a new height.
(II) Forging a strong leadership core for the eternal cause of the Chinese nation
The Party is the leadership core for advancing the great cause of building a strong country and national rejuvenation. A strong and powerful Party is the fundamental guarantee of national prosperity. If Party management and governance are loose, soft, or weak, and if the Party's leadership is weakened, its concepts diluted, or its building ineffective, it will be difficult to command the overall situation and coordinate all parties; it will be hard to create a pattern where government orders flow smoothly and all stars move toward the moon [26]. General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized: “Without comprehensively and strictly governing the Party, the Party cannot ensure that ‘it takes a good blacksmith to forge good steel’ [27], and it will be difficult to play its role as the leadership core.”
Since the 18th National Congress, addressing prominent problems such as "loose, soft, and weak" governance, the CPC Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core has advanced comprehensively and strictly governing the Party with unprecedented vision, courage, and intensity. This initiated a revolutionary forging of the Party’s self-purification, self-perfection, self-innovation, and self-improvement. He creatively proposed taking the Party's political building as the overarching principle, emphasizing the need to strengthen the “Four Consciousnesses,” firm up the “Four Confidences,” uphold the “Two Establishments,” and achieve the “Two Upholds,” thereby anchoring the political direction of self-revolution. By persisting in arming the whole Party, educating the people, and guiding practice with Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, the ideological weapon of self-revolution has been continuously tempered. By insisting that discipline is stricter than the law, that discipline precedes the law, and that discipline and law are linked [28], and by adopting multiple measures to strengthen discipline building, the effective paths for self-revolution have been vigorously expanded and enriched. By persisting in anti-corruption with an iron fist, a hard-hitting campaign has been fought to cultivate an elite cadre force for self-revolution. By continuously advancing institutional innovation and enhancing the authority and execution of the system, a scientific and complete system of institutional norms for self-revolution has been provided.
Through comprehensive diagnosis, dialectical treatment, and integrated rectification since the New Era began, we have “checked unhealthy tendencies that had not been stopped for years, solved stubborn ailments that remained unresolved for a long time, and eliminated serious hidden dangers within the Party, the state, and the military.” This has created the “indestructible body” for the Party to steer the great cause of building a strong country and national rejuvenation, and forged the “stabilizing needle” [29] to face any risk, meet challenges bravely, and write a new chapter of glory for the eternal cause of the Chinese nation. It can be said that “without the revolutionary forging of comprehensively and strictly governing the Party, there would not be the highly united, strong, and powerful Communist Party of China we have today.”
(III) Casting a powerful theoretical weapon for the resolute advancement of comprehensively and strictly governing the Party
Thought is the guide to action; theory is the blueprint for practice. General Secretary Xi Jinping’s important thought on the Party’s self-revolution provides a powerful theoretical weapon for advancing comprehensively and strictly governing the Party and winning the tough, protracted battle of self-revolution. This important thought emphasizes: “We must lead the great social revolution with the great self-revolution, and promote the great self-revolution through the great social revolution, ensuring the Party remains a strong leadership core in the historical process of persisting in and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics in the New Era.” This important viewpoint profoundly elaborates on the internal connection between the “two revolutions,” emphasizing that self-revolution must take the leading of the great social revolution as its fundamental goal, and the Party must become stronger and more powerful through the furnace of the great social revolution, better playing its role as the leadership core that commands the overall situation and coordinates all parties. This points the way forward for how to advance the Party’s self-revolution.
This important thought emphasizes that corruption is the most corrosive, harmful, and deeply influential factor regarding the Party’s governing foundation; we must “persist in the integrated advancement of ensuring that officials do not dare, cannot, and do not want to be corrupt [30], exerting force simultaneously, in the same direction, and comprehensively.” The viewpoint of the “three-no-corruptions” [i.e., dare not, cannot, want not] and the “three-way exertion of force” has greatly deepened our understanding of how to fight corruption and enhance its effectiveness. It firmly grasps the difficult and key points of self-revolution, profoundly reveals the basic laws of the anti-corruption struggle, and provides scientific methodological guidance for the Party’s self-revolution. This important thought emphasizes that “‘comprehensively and strictly governing the Party must first be viewed from a political perspective,’ and ‘political problems must be solved through political means.’” This viewpoint emphasizes the overarching role of the Party's political building in self-revolution, providing the basic follow-through for resolutely opposing political corruption and thoroughly eliminating internal political hazards. This important thought emphasizes: “The advanced nature and purity of a Marxist party are not maintained naturally over time, and a Communist’s Party spirit does not improve naturally with the growth of Party age or the promotion of rank.” This profoundly elaborates the rationale for why comprehensively and strictly governing the Party and the Party’s self-revolution are always on the road. It argues that advanced nature and purity are not achieved once and for all or fixed forever, providing scientific theoretical guidance for winning the battle of self-revolution.
(IV) Strengthening the conviction of victory in using self-revolution to escape the historical cycle of rise and fall
The "historical cycle" [31] reflects both the fate of feudal dynasties and an understanding of the common patterns underlying the rise and fall of political power. Does a Marxist party possess a natural immunity to this historical cycle? Theoretically speaking, a party that stands on the fundamental position of the people, possesses revolutionary thoroughness, and represents the bright prospects and grand future of humanity should be able to escape the historical cycle. However, the experience of the Communist and workers’ parties in the socialist countries of the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, with the painful lesson of losing power, shows that “it is not easy for a Marxist party to seize power, and it is even harder to exercise power well for the people, especially to do so over the long term.” If corruption cannot be thoroughly punished and advanced nature and purity cannot be maintained, a Marxist party will also find it difficult to escape the "curse" of the historical cycle or avoid the tragedy of "the death of the leader leading to the collapse of the cause."
Since the 18th National Congress, the CPC Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core has taken bold steps to rectify conduct, enforce discipline, and fight corruption. It has “explored a successful path to solving its own problems and escaping the historical cycle under conditions of long-term governance, and built a set of effective power supervision systems and disciplinary/legal enforcement systems,” forming Xi Jinping's important thought on the Party’s self-revolution. This important thought is profoundly scientific; it raises the understanding of the laws of Party management and governance to a new height, opens a new realm for the Party's self-revolution, and strengthens the conviction of victory in relying on the mastery of the laws of self-revolution to win new achievements in comprehensively and strictly governing the Party. This important thought is thoroughly revolutionary; it raises the understanding of the relationship between the anti-corruption struggle and self-revolution to a new height, opens a new realm of treating anti-corruption as the most thorough form of self-revolution, and strengthens the conviction of victory in winning the tough, protracted battle against corruption. This important thought is prominently practical; it raises the understanding that self-revolution is always on the road to a new height, opens a new realm of examining self-revolution from a developmental perspective and advancing Party governance with the times, and strengthens the conviction of victory in the Party’s ability to solve its own prominent problems timely and effectively through its own efforts. This important thought possesses a strong people-oriented nature; it raises the understanding of the relationship between self-supervision and people’s supervision to a new height, opens a new realm of relying on people’s supervision to promote self-revolution, and strengthens the conviction of victory in “mastering the ‘matchless martial arts’ of self-purification for Chinese Communists” under the synergistic supervision of those both inside and outside the Party. Confidence creates the future, self-reliance ensures long-term stability, and self-improvement achieves great undertakings. “As long as the Marxist governing party does not encounter problems, the socialist country will not encounter major problems, and we will be able to escape the historical cycle of ‘getting started with a flourish but ending in a flash.’”
IV. Practical Requirements of General Secretary Xi Jinping’s Important Thought on the Party’s Self-Revolution
The value and vitality of theory lies in practice and in guiding practice to achieve intended results. We must establish efficient and effective learning mechanisms, consolidate the political responsibility for Party management and governance, leverage the role of the “key minority” [32], rely on people’s supervision to promote self-revolution, and unswervingly transform this important thought into the glorious practice of advancing comprehensively and strictly governing the Party in depth, continuously winning new victories for self-revolution on the new journey in the New Era.
(I) Establishing efficient and effective learning mechanisms
Studying and understanding theory is the prerequisite and foundation for implementing it. Only with theoretical clarity can there be ideological awareness, political steadfastness, and active action. To implement this important thought well, we must: First, persist in a learning mechanism that highlights key points and pools everyone's wisdom. The study of this thought should be incorporated into the agenda of the theoretical study center groups of Party committees at all levels. We must scientifically determine topics, reasonably arrange time, and conduct normalized study and institutionalized research to create a demonstration effect. Cadre training institutions like Party schools (academies of governance), cadre colleges, and socialist academies at all levels must incorporate this thought into their teaching plans. Management institutions of philosophy and social sciences, universities, and academies of social sciences must organize academic forces to increase research intensity and build a unique disciplinary, academic, and discourse system as soon as possible. Newspapers and journals should open special columns to publish relevant research articles and create a strong academic atmosphere.
Second, persist in a learning mechanism that looks back at history to gain insight for the present. We should study this important thought in close connection with the history of the rise and fall of feudal regimes, the history of socialist development, the history of the Party’s century-long struggle, and the history of the People's Republic of China, deepening our grasp through comparisons across history and between regime changes. Third, persist in a learning mechanism that focuses on problems and responds to practice. “Problems are the voice of the times; answering and guiding the resolution of problems is the fundamental task of theory.” We must highlight the application of learning, promote the Marxist style of study that links theory with practice, and strengthen the consciousness and firmness of implementing this thought through dialogue between theory and practice and interaction between ideas and problems. Fourth, persist in an integrated top-down learning mechanism that advances with the times. The practice of self-revolution is constantly advancing, and its theory is also developing. We must always align ourselves with the CPC Central Committee and keep up with its innovative theories in a timely manner from a developmental perspective.
(II) Consolidating the political responsibility for Party management and governance
Strengthening and implementing the political responsibility for comprehensively and strictly governing the Party is the fundamental guarantee for implementing this important thought. The Party's self-revolution is not just the duty of the Central Committee, nor is it just the work of the commissions for discipline inspection; it is a major political task for the entire Party. To advance this profound self-revolution of comprehensively and strictly governing the Party in depth...
"Relying solely on the Party Central Committee is insufficient, and relying solely on the Commissions for Discipline Inspection is also insufficient; the political responsibility for comprehensively and strictly governing the Party must be implemented across Party committees at all levels, and the assumption of responsibility must be strengthened." First, the primary responsibility [33] for managing and governing the Party held by Party committees (and leading Party groups) at all levels must be solidified. Party committees (and leading Party groups) at all levels must—with a spirit of profound responsibility toward the Party, the people, and the cause—select and utilize cadres effectively, maintain close ties between the Party and the masses, promote the impartial exercise of power, and rectify conduct, enforce discipline, and combat corruption. In particular, the secretaries of Party committees (and leading Party groups), as the person with first-of-all responsibility for managing and governing the Party, must strengthen their sense of responsibility and demonstrate a spirit of commitment. They must tangibly involve themselves, manage their leadership teams well, lead their personnel effectively, and use their own exemplary role to highlight the "leading goose effect" [34] in managing and governing the Party. All members of the leadership teams of Party committees (and leading Party groups) must fulfill their corresponding duties in managing and governing the Party within the scope of their respective responsibilities. Second, the supervisory responsibility for managing and governing the Party must be strengthened. Commissions for Discipline Inspection at all levels must tangibly take up their duties as specialized organs for intra-Party supervision. They must promote the political character of loyalty, integrity, and responsibility, daring to grasp management and take control, and daring to tackle tough issues. They should effectively utilize the "four forms" of supervision and discipline enforcement [35], adhering to the combination of managing the majority and punishing the "extreme minority," fully embodying the unity of strict management and profound care. This involves mobilizing the enthusiasm of all supervisory subjects to construct and strengthen an intra-Party supervision system characterized by joint management, shared responsibility, and coordinated operations. Third, an awareness of the equivalence between power and responsibility must be established. General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized: "There is no power divorced from responsibility; the extent of one’s power dictates the extent of one’s responsibility. One cannot merely wish to be an official without performing duties, seek to seize power without assuming responsibility, or desire the limelight without putting in the effort." Power entails responsibility, power and responsibility must be equivalent, and the exercise of power must be subject to supervision; where problems arise, accountability must be sought. It is necessary to improve and implement a strict accountability system, "promoting the implementation of responsibility through serious accountability and transmitting pressure level by level," so as to ensure the responsibility for managing and governing the Party is carried out to the letter.
(III) Leveraging the Key Role of the "Key Minority"
The "key minority" [36] occupies an important position and wields immense influence; its irreplaceable role in comprehensively and strictly governing the Party must be fully leveraged. First, the understanding of the role of the "key minority" must be strengthened. In advancing the Party’s self-revolution, "it is very important for leading organs and leading cadres to take the lead. If leading organs and leading cadres set an example, those below will follow suit and act accordingly." For ordinary Party members, the actions of leading cadres constitute silent commands. Conversely, if leading cadres violate law and discipline, the harm to the Party is great, and the impact on Party members and the masses is also significant. Comprehensively "strictly governing the Party focuses on grasping the 'key minority' of leading cadres, and strictly managing leading cadres at all levels." Second, the "spectator" mentality must be avoided. Every member of the "key minority" within Party committees (and leading Party groups) must strengthen their Party consciousness and their consciousness as Party cadres. They must not be bystanders or spectators, but should consciously participate in self-revolution. Based on an attitude of "seeing a person of virtue and thinking of emulating them, and seeing someone without virtue and reflecting inwardly" [37], they must "resolutely discard the 'spectator' mentality, truly draw lessons from others, treat unmanifested illnesses as if they were present to prevent them, hold fast to the bottom line, pursue high standards, and constantly improve their own immunity." Third, the "ostrich policy" [38] must be abandoned. Facing the prominent problems existing within the Party itself, General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: "We cannot 'spare the rat to save the house' [39], talk about other things to avoid the point, or adopt an ostrich policy." This discourse aims to emphasize that the "key minority" in Party committees (and leading Party groups) cannot play deaf and dumb or turn a blind eye to their own problems. They cannot be hesitant or indecisive for fear of "wolves ahead and tigers behind" [40] when dealing with issues; they must face problems directly, make immediate decisions, and strike out when action is required. Fourth, the practice of leaders setting an example for subordinates must be maintained. Awareness of being the "upper beam" [41] must be strengthened at every level—each level demonstrating for the level below and each level leading the level below in work. This fully leverages the demonstration effect of the "key minority," especially the "top leaders" (一把手, yībàshǒu), to avoid the passive situation of "if the leader is not upright, the subordinates will not follow orders despite being commanded," and instead strive to shape a healthy political ecosystem of "if the leader is upright, things will proceed even without orders" [42].
(IV) Relying on People’s Supervision to Promote the Party’s Self-Revolution
The Party’s self-revolution by no means implies closed-door cultivation, "playing and singing to oneself," "talking to oneself," or internal circulation within the body. General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized: "We cannot engage in self-revolution behind closed doors; instead, we must listen more to the opinions of the masses and consciously accept the supervision of the masses." Relying on the supervision of the people to promote the Party’s self-purification and self-repair is a vital component and an inevitable choice for comprehensively and strictly governing the Party. First, the importance of relying on the supervision of the masses must be profoundly understood. Without the supervision of the masses, it is difficult to conduct a thorough self-revolution. This is because "the wisdom and strength for governing the country and the Party are hidden within the masses; strictly governing the Party must rely on the people." Second, the supervision of the people must be relied upon to prevent and avoid the occurrence of problems. We must smooth the channels and avenues for the masses to voice their opinions, facilitate the convenience of online supervision, enhance the sense of security for whistleblowers, and form a "vast ocean" of mass supervision where "even if one wanted to reach out, they would not dare, and seeing the people nearby, they reflexively pull back their hand." This creates a "warning device" to block the development of embryonic, localized, or symptomatic problems, and builds a "firewall" to "treat the illness before it arises" and prevent trouble before it happens, thereby pursuing the highest realm of self-revolution. Third, the supervision of the people must be relied upon to discover problems in a timely manner. The masses live right beside the Party members and cadres; they see the actions of these members and cadres with total clarity, and in particular, they pay close attention to every move of the leading cadres. Therefore, "the masses see the problems of Party members and cadres most clearly and have the greatest right to speak on them." By relying on the supervision of the masses, one can perceive the finest details and discover the problems existing in members and cadres in a timely fashion. Fourth, the supervision of the people must be relied upon to effectively solve existing problems. As for how to solve problems, we must also listen more to the opinions and suggestions of the masses. For example, "the masses say that only by keeping the alarm bells ringing constantly can the siren remain silent." This emphasizes the importance of advancing self-revolution starting from the source. The supervision of the masses is irreplaceable: "Only by weaving a dense net of mass supervision and turning on the all-weather searchlights can 'invisible people' [43] find no place to hide."