Xiao Cunliang: Innovation of the Communist Party of China's United Front Theory from the Perspective of the "Two Combinations"

I. The Formulation of the Issue Since the Communist Party of China (CPC) proposed the United Front policy in 1922, the United Front has undergone a developmental history of over a century in our country. In the course of its development, the United Front achieved indigenization [N1] on one hand—transforming from a concept exported by the Comintern to China into the CPC’s own United Front; on the other hand, it has undergone extensive theoretical innovation, producing a vast array of new ideas and theories. What is the internal drive behind the theoretical innovation of the United Front? Why has the United Front been able to achieve continuous theoretical innovation? Upon what does the United Front rely to carry out this sustained innovation? These are the fundamental questions that the study of United Front history must answer.

General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out at the Seminar on Cultural Inheritance and Development that “the key to Chinese characteristics lies in the ‘Two Combinations’ [N2],” and that “‘combination’ is itself innovation, while simultaneously opening up a vast space for theoretical and practical innovation.” This provides us with an important guideline for answering the question of the internal drive behind the century of United Front theoretical innovation. The “Two Combinations” are highly congruent with the theoretical innovation of the United Front over the past century and serve as one of the important sources for the CPC’s innovations in United Front theory. During the revolutionary period, the CPC combined the basic tenets of Marxism with the realities of the Chinese Revolution, establishing the status of the United Front as a “magic weapon” [N3] and forming the theory of the Revolutionary United Front. During the periods of construction and reform, the “Two Combinations” drove the birth of the Patriotic United Front theory, achieving a transformation of the United Front from “serving the revolution” to “serving modernization.” In the New Era, the “Two Combinations” have driven the formation of General Secretary Xi Jinping’s important thoughts on strengthening and improving the Party’s United Front work in the New Era, promoting the consolidation and expansion of the Patriotic United Front in the New Era.

Currently, the academic community has not yet systematically organized the research on the CPC’s United Front theoretical innovation from the perspective of the “Two Combinations.” Existing studies either explore the historical process of combining Marxist United Front tactics with Chinese reality and fine traditional Chinese culture, or discuss the role and status of the United Front from the perspective of the “Second Combination,” or combine Marxist United Front theory with traditional Chinese thoughts on "governance by virtue" to explore how to achieve “uniting the front through virtue.” By reviewing the history of the CPC’s United Front, this article explores the internal logic between the “Two Combinations” and the theoretical innovation of the CPC’s United Front.

II. Theoretical Innovation of the United Front during the Revolutionary Period under the Perspective of the “Two Combinations” During the period of the New Democratic Revolution, after the United Front was introduced to China from Soviet Russia, the CPC’s understanding, application, and development of the United Front—as well as its grasp of the internal logical relationship between the United Front, armed struggle, and Party building—underwent a process of zigzag development.

During the Great Revolution period [N4], the CPC as a whole leaned toward the United Front while neglecting armed struggle to a certain extent, and was not yet able to effectively combine the United Front with armed struggle. In 1922, the Second National Congress of the Party passed the “Resolution on the ‘Democratic United Front’,” proposing a plan for cooperation between the CPC and the Kuomintang (KMT) through external cooperation. The Third National Congress in 1923 passed the “Resolution on the National Movement and the KMT Problem,” formally deciding that CPC members would join the KMT as individuals while maintaining their own organizational independence. Chen Duxiu and Maring [N5] explained at the meeting the reason for CPC members joining the KMT: the Chinese revolution was a national revolution, not a socialist revolution; the KMT, as the representative party of the national revolution, should be the main camp where revolutionary forces concentrated; and the Communist Party should help the KMT carry out the national revolution. Only in this way could the strength of the national revolution be enhanced and victory achieved. Thus, they advocated that “all work belongs to the KMT.”

In January 1924, the KMT held its First National Congress, where some Communist Party members served as members or alternate members of the KMT Central Executive Committee, marking the formal formation of the First United Front (the first KMT-CPC cooperation). After the formation of the First United Front, the CPC helped the KMT establish local organizations, develop mass movements, assist in founding the Whampoa Military Academy, conduct two Eastern Expeditions, and unify Guangdong Province. They then marched north for the Northern Expedition. Within six months, the Northern Expeditionary Army fought from the Pearl River basin to the Yangtze River basin, pushing the KMT from a local regime in Guangdong into a national power. However, after seizing power, Chiang Kai-shek led the KMT in a betrayal, plotting to eliminate the Communist Party, which led to the rapid failure of the momentous Great Revolution.

Mao Zedong profoundly summarized the reasons for the failure of the Great Revolution from the perspective of the relationship between the United Front and armed struggle. He said: “In China, without armed struggle, neither the proletariat nor the Communist Party would have any standing at all, and it would be impossible to accomplish any revolutionary task. On this issue, for the five or six years from the Party’s founding in 1921 to its participation in the Northern Expedition in 1926, our understanding was insufficient. At that time, we did not understand the extreme importance of armed struggle in China, did not seriously prepare for war or organize an army, and did not focus on the study of military strategy and tactics. During the Northern Expedition, we neglected the struggle for control of the army and placed a one-sided emphasis on the mass movement. As a result, once the KMT turned reactionary, the entire mass movement collapsed.” Ultimately, the cause of the failure of the Great Revolution was “all alliance and no struggle.” The CPC, in its infancy, was not yet mature enough to use the weapon of the United Front, nor could it effectively combine it with armed struggle.

During the Land Revolutionary War period [N6], the CPC as a whole favored armed struggle and neglected the United Front to some extent. The CPC excluded the urban petty bourgeoisie from the revolutionary ranks within the United Front framework and lacked close contact with intellectuals. It regarded the national bourgeoisie as the most dangerous enemy of the revolution and viewed other political parties indiscriminately as “enemies,” once regarding the “Third Party” organized by Deng Yanda and Tan Pingshan as “spies of the ruling class.” It rejected the KMT Reorganizationists [N7] entirely. After the Fujian Incident [N8] occurred, the 19th Route Army took the initiative to approach the Red Army for cooperation against Chiang Kai-shek, but the Red Army, following the requirements of the Comintern, did not coordinate its operations with them. Subsequently, the Red Army suffered setbacks in the fifth “Encirclement and Suppression” campaign and embarked on the Long March; the Party's work in both the White areas [N9] and the Soviet areas [N10] also suffered immense losses.

In summarizing the lessons of the Land Revolutionary War, Mao Zedong pointed out: “In the latter part of the ten-year civil war, the policy was also incorrect in not adopting different policies toward the reactionary government and parties launching armed attacks against us and toward the various social strata of a capitalist character under our jurisdiction, and in not adopting different policies toward different factions within the reactionary government and parties. At that time, a policy of ‘all struggle’ was implemented against all social elements except for the peasants and the lower urban petty bourgeoisie. This policy was undoubtedly wrong.” Ultimately, the CPC during the Land Revolutionary War adopted a policy of “all struggle and no alliance” toward the KMT and the national bourgeoisie, which likewise failed to effectively combine armed struggle with the United Front.

During the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, the CPC proposed at the Sixth Plenary Session of its Sixth Central Committee to “make Marxism concrete in China, making it take on a necessary Chinese character in every manifestation—that is to say, applying it according to China’s characteristics.” From the basic principle of combining the tenets of Marxism with the reality of the Chinese revolution, the relationship between the United Front and armed struggle was neither “all alliance and no struggle” nor “all struggle and no alliance,” but rather the combination of unity and struggle: “Uniting all social strata opposed to Japanese imperialism and establishing a united front with them, but at the same time, we must conduct various forms of struggle against the vacillating and reactionary tendencies among them to surrender to the enemy and oppose the Communist Party and the people, according to the varying degrees of such tendencies.” The CPC carried out arduous construction work in the KMT-controlled areas and the anti-Japanese base areas behind enemy lines, truly and deeply entering among the broad masses. This led to the formation of the Three Great Magic Weapons of the CPC-led Chinese revolution: the United Front, armed struggle, and Party building. In discussing this period of history, Hu Sheng pointed out: “We needed armed struggle, but also the United Front and Party building. Within the United Front, we needed unity, but also to be adept at struggling against the KMT, the bourgeoisie, and petty-bourgeois tendencies. This entire set of tools matured during the War of Resistance, breaking free from old formulas.”

During the War of Resistance, the application of the United Front got onto the right track. This marked the maturity of the CPC and signified that the United Front had become the CPC’s own United Front—an important magic weapon for the Party to lead the revolution to victory, rather than merely a United Front exported by the Comintern.

First, the CPC divided the entire Anti-Japanese National United Front camp into progressive forces, middle-of-the-road forces, and die-hard forces. It proposed a strategy of developing the progressive forces, winning over the middle-of-the-road forces, and isolating the die-hards, clarifying that “these are three inseparable links, with struggle as the means to achieve the unity of all anti-Japanese forces. In the period of the anti-Japanese united front, struggle is the means to unity and unity is the aim of struggle. If we seek unity through struggle, unity will survive; if we seek unity through concession, unity will perish.” The progressive forces, mainly consisting of the proletariat, the peasantry, and the urban petty bourgeoisie, were to be vigorously developed. The middle-of-the-road forces mainly included the national bourgeoisie, enlightened gentry, and local power groups [N11]; they were vacillating, and if the Party did not persist in combining unity with struggle, they would—as they did during the Great Revolution—become allies of the die-hards when the latter attacked us. However, “in China, these middle-of-the-road forces have great power and can often be the deciding factor in our struggle against the die-hards; therefore, we must adopt an extremely cautious attitude toward them.” Resolute struggle had to be waged against the die-hards, but even this struggle had to adhere to three principles: first, self-defense—we will not attack unless we are attacked, but if we are attacked, we will certainly counter-attack; second, victory—do not fight unless sure of winning; third, truce—stop at the right moment after repelling the die-hards’ attack. These three principles can be summarized in one phrase: “With good reason, with advantage, and with restraint.” In this way, the CPC solved the problem of “knowing only how to unite but not how to struggle” from the Great Revolution period and “knowing only how to struggle but not how to unite” from the Land Revolutionary War period. It firmly held the initiative in both unity and struggle, closely united the middle-of-the-road forces, and grasped the leadership of the United Front.

Second, in handling relations with the KMT, the CPC no longer viewed the KMT as a monolithic bloc of reactionaries, as it had during the Land Revolutionary War. Instead, it recognized that “the KMT is a party of complex components, including die-hards, middle-of-the-roaders, and progressives; the KMT as a whole is not equivalent to the die-hards.” While the KMT “is ruled and led by the reactionary clique representing the big landlords, big bankers, and big compradors, it is not entirely identical with this reactionary clique. Some of its leaders do not belong to this clique and are even struck at, excluded, or slighted by it. Many of its cadres, rank-and-file members, and members of the Three People’s Principles Youth League are dissatisfied with the leadership of this clique, and some even oppose it.” During the War of Resistance, the CPC vigorously united with the KMT’s left wing, allied with the center, and struck at the right wing. This solved the problems of the Great Revolution, where the policy of all alliance and no struggle had led the center to lean toward the right, resulting in a joint attack on the left.

Third, in terms of theoretical innovation, the CPC proposed the theory of New Democracy. The New Democratic Revolution is a bourgeois-democratic revolution led by the proletariat, targeting imperialism and feudalism. In the revolutionary process, the proletariat needs to unite with the national bourgeoisie to jointly oppose imperialism and feudalism. “This New Democratic Revolution is vastly different from the democratic revolutions in European and American history; it does not result in a dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, but in a dictatorship of a united front of all revolutionary classes under the leadership of the proletariat.” Therefore, the New Democratic political power was actually a United Front political power, and the “Three-Thirds System” [N12] was the manifestation of this United Front power at the time. New Democratic society is a transitional social form where capitalist factors are fully developed but tend toward socialism. The tension between capitalist and socialist elements shapes the vitality of this social form; their coexistence is the prerequisite for its existence, and the united front between the two is the realistic basis for its existence. Without the United Front, we cannot profoundly and comprehensively understand the connotation and extension of New Democracy. Thus, the concept of New Democracy inherently contains the United Front; New Democracy both grants the United Front its necessity and allows the CPC-led United Front to be sublimated, becoming a completely Sinicized product following the combination of Marxist theory and Chinese revolutionary practice.

During the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, the Communist Party of China (CPC) flexibly applied the "magic weapon" of the united front. In the Kuomintang (KMT)-controlled areas, the CPC first coordinated official relations with the KMT through the Anti-Japanese National United Front. Entering deeply into KMT-ruled territory, the Party implemented the policy of "fostering elite cadres for long-term undercover work, accumulating strength and biding one's time" ^[13] and the directive to "be diligent in study, professionally dedicated, and active in making friends." Using professional occupations as cover, they achieved professionalization, socialization, and legalization. They took deep root in KMT-controlled areas, developing Party members, establishing Party organizations, and organizing the masses to conduct political movements. In these political movements, those who appeared in public were often not Party members; combined with a system of single-line contact networks and strict organizational discipline, this made it difficult for the KMT to truly track the movements of Communists. Those whose identities were exposed would transfer to the Anti-Japanese Base Areas to carry out armed struggle. In this way, the united front, armed struggle, and Party building were integrated into an organic whole. In the Anti-Japanese Base Areas behind enemy lines, the CPC openly combined these three elements. They occupied these areas through armed struggle, established united front political power to unite the national bourgeoisie, enlightened gentry, and local power factions ^[14], and simultaneously developed Party members and organizations to promote the growth of primary-level organizations. Through the organic combination of Party building, state building, and army building, the CPC was able to take root quickly behind enemy lines and establish a series of anti-Japanese base areas.

During the War of Liberation, the CPC skillfully utilized the "magic weapon" of the united front to establish a broad and consolidated People's Democratic United Front, which included the working class, the peasantry, the urban petty bourgeoisie, and the national bourgeoisie. "This united front is so consolidated that it possesses the iron will and inexhaustible capacity to defeat any enemy and overcome any difficulty." The People's Democratic United Front completely isolated the big landlords, the big bourgeoisie, and the bureaucrat-capitalists represented by Chiang Kai-shek's KMT, enabling the CPC to achieve the great victory of the War of Liberation in just three years.

In summary, after summarizing the lessons of the Great Revolution and the Land Revolutionary War, the CPC combined the basic tenets of Marxism with the reality of the Chinese revolution. It proposed theoretical viewpoints such as the "magic weapon" theory, the principle of "both unity and struggle," the principle of "fighting on just grounds, to our advantage, and with restraint" ^[15], and the principle of independence and initiative. These formed its own rich system of revolutionary united front thought and drove the great victory of the New Democratic Revolution.

III. Innovation in United Front Theory during the Periods of Construction and Reform from the Perspective of the "Two Combinations"

During the period of socialist revolution and construction, the CPC proposed the eight-character policy of "long-term coexistence and mutual supervision" and the "Two Long Lives" concept—namely, "Long live the Communist Party, and long live the democratic parties." This was based on the specific reality that various democratic parties ^[16] had entered the state organs in large numbers through consultation during the founding of the People's Republic. Based on the reality that China's ethnic groups live together in large communities while being concentrated in small ones ^[17], the Party proposed the theory of regional ethnic autonomy and the concept of socialist ethnic relations. Based on the reality that the national bourgeoisie united and cooperated with the CPC during the process of socialist revolution, the Party proposed the policy for the peaceful transformation of capitalist industry and commerce. In light of the positive changes following the ideological transformation of intellectuals in the early years of the New China, it put forward the theory that intellectuals are "already a part of the working class." These theoretical innovations were both products of specific social realities and reflections of the essence of fine traditional Chinese culture.

At the beginning of reform and opening up, in order to promote reform, opening up, and modernization, Deng Xiaoping repeatedly emphasized two aspects: first, liberating the mind ^[18] to achieve democracy in consciousness—using democracy to liberate the mind and drive reform and opening up; second, the united front—obtaining the capital, technology, management expertise, and talent required for reform and opening up through the united front. For the united front to play its full role in reform, opening up, and modernization, the primary issue was to resolve its nature—that is, the qualitative definition of the united front in the New Era. If the traditional definition of the revolutionary united front were still used, and class struggle continued against united front members, it would have been difficult to encourage them to truly commit to the tide of reform, opening up, and modernization. Therefore, theoretical innovation in the united front was urgently needed.

Combining new realities and applying the "second combination," the CPC drew upon the intellectual resources needed for the development of the united front in the New Era from fine traditional Chinese culture, scientifically defining the nature of the New Era united front through China's cultural genes, language, and modes of thinking.

First, based on the Chinese nation's profound tradition of patriotism, the Party proposed that the nature of the united front in the New Era is the Patriotic United Front, thereby resolving the qualitative issue of the united front for this period. The spirit of patriotism, born and developed on the foundation of the Chinese nation's long history and culture, has become a massive force driving social and historical progress, profoundly influencing the transformation and advancement of China's economic, political, cultural, and social life. As a spiritual and cultural tradition with great cohesive and centripetal force, it has enabled the Chinese nation to withstand countless natural and social hardships and risks unimaginable in scale, maintaining strong unity and vigorous vitality. From the perspective of the united front, patriotism is not only the essence of fine traditional Chinese culture but is also capable of stimulating the inner cultural identity of compatriots in Hong Kong, Macao, and Taiwan, as well as overseas Chinese, encouraging them to invest and start businesses in the mainland and bring the capital, technology, talent, and management resources required for reform and opening up.

In his opening speech at the Second Session of the Fifth National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) on June 15, 1979, Deng Xiaoping explicitly stated: "China's united front has become a broad alliance of socialist laborers and patriots who support socialism, led by the working class and based on the worker-peasant alliance." This thesis clarified the patriotic nature of the united front in the New Era. On September 1 of the same year, while listening to a report on the 14th National United Front Work Conference, Deng pointed out: "The nature of the united front should be called the Revolutionary and Patriotic United Front; it is an alliance of socialist laborers and patriots. This makes the scope broader and gives it a comprehensive character." He added, "The scope of patriots is very broad, including even Chiang Ching-kuo; as long as Taiwan returns to the motherland, he has performed a patriotic act. We can now propose a third KMT-CPC cooperation." The formulation of the "Revolutionary and Patriotic United Front" also possessed a composite character, combining the revolutionary united front with the patriotic united front.

The "Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party since the Founding of the People's Republic of China," adopted at the Sixth Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee in 1981, formally proposed the concept of the "Patriotic United Front." This concept not only defined the nature of the united front in the New Era but was also a crystallization of the combination of the basic tenets of Marxism with fine traditional Chinese culture. Once the nature of the Patriotic United Front was determined, the united front achieved a transformation from revolution-oriented to modernization-oriented. This encouraged compatriots in Hong Kong, Macao, and Taiwan, as well as overseas Chinese, to come to the motherland to invest and start businesses. It also facilitated the extension of the united front into these communities, leading to a series of theoretical innovations such as the "Alliance of Two Scopes," the "Two Banners of Patriotism and Socialism," "Overseas United Front Work," and the "Triple Alliance of the United Front." These new concepts and judgments were all established upon the foundation of the patriotic qualitative definition of the New Era united front.

Second, based on the concept of "seeking common ground while reserving differences" (求同存异) in fine traditional Chinese culture, the Party proposed the basic principles of seeking common ground while reserving differences, and of mutual understanding and tolerance for the New Era united front. The Book of Changes (Classic of Changes), in the "Treatise on the Symbols" for the Kui Hexagram ^[19], states: "Fire above and water below: the image of Opposition. Thus, the superior man, even in the midst of diversity, achieves unity." In fine traditional Chinese culture, "sameness and difference" (同与异) and "harmony and uniformity" (和与同) are important concepts. The objective world is complex and ever-changing—this is "difference." All things are connected and penetrate through time—this is "sameness." Sameness and difference exist in a relationship of the unity of opposites: there is difference within sameness, and sameness within difference; one preserves difference to achieve sameness, and through difference, sameness is realized. "Seeking common ground" refers to seeking a shared worldview, outlook on life, and values; "reserving differences" means both sides temporarily set aside their opposition and conflict regarding values and interests. Both are means to an end; the goal is coexistence, exchange, cooperation, and common development. Thus, the "superior man" seeks "Great Harmony" while reserving "small differences."

As a product of traditional Chinese philosophical thought and the wisdom of the Chinese nation, the CPC regards "seeking common ground while reserving differences" as a basic principle of the New Era united front. In 1991, Jiang Zemin noted in a speech: "Within the united front and the work of the CPPCC, the CPC, the various democratic parties, and patriotic personages from all walks of life must learn to seek common ground while reserving differences. Seeking common ground means seeking the Great Harmony of socialist modernization and the cause of national reunification; reserving differences means, under this grand premise, looking after and coordinating the interests, requirements, and opinions of all parties." In 1999, Li Ruihuan pointed out: "To do a good job in united front work, many important principles must be grasped, but one in particular requires attention: the principle of seeking common ground while reserving differences and of mutual understanding and tolerance."

Since the 1990s, with the continuous advancement of reform and opening up, modernization has driven marketization, which in turn has driven social differentiation; social differentiation has led to changes in the social structure. These changes have exerted a strong influence on the united front, while the united front has simultaneously innovated its theory in responding to these influences. This is a crucial aspect of theoretical innovation: social differentiation and structural change have become the specific realities of the united front field in the New Era.

First, after the market-oriented reforms, a large number of Chinese intellectuals "plunged into the sea" ^[20], moving from units within the state system to work in foreign-funded or private enterprises or to start their own businesses. Based on this, the CPC explicitly proposed the fundamental theory that "work relating to non-Party intellectuals is the foundational work of the united front." In 1992, the CPC first made this clear in a central circular, emphasizing that because non-Party intellectuals constitute the majority of intellectuals and the vast majority of united front targets in various fields, doing this work well provides the foundation for all united front work. In the 1993 institutional reforms, the CPC Central Committee approved the responsibilities of the United Front Work Department (UFWD) regarding intellectuals, which included investigating their situation, reflecting their opinions, coordinating relations, making policy suggestions, and cultivating representative figures among them.

Second, based on the social reality of the rapid development of the non-public sector of the economy after market reforms, the CPC proposed the concept of "builders of the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics" and the "Two Healths" theory (the healthy development of the non-public economy and the healthy growth of persons in the non-public economy). In 2001, Jiang Zemin formally announced that entrepreneurs and technical personnel in private tech firms, managerial and technical staff in foreign-funded enterprises, the self-employed, private business owners, employees in intermediary organizations, and freelancers were "also builders of the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics." In 2002, this was formalized in the 16th Party Congress report, leading to the designation of the "New Social Stratum" (新的社会阶层人士). This thesis scientifically defined the social attributes and political status of private business owners and other new social strata, answering a major theoretical and practical question that had long concerned society. This not only promoted the "Two Healths" but also ensured that united front theory remained highly responsive to economic and social changes.

Third, based on the changes in China's social structure following market-oriented reforms, the theory was proposed that the united front must correctly handle the "Five Major Relations." In July 2006, Hu Jintao pointed out at the 20th National United Front Work Conference: "I want to focus on discussing political party relations, ethnic relations, religious relations, social strata relations, and relations with compatriots at home and abroad. These are major relations involving the overall situation of the Party and state work in the political and social fields, and they are also major relations that the united front needs to comprehensively grasp and correctly handle. Correctly understanding and handling these five major relations and maintaining and promoting their harmony is vital to the overall cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics, the process of building a socialist harmonious society, and the prosperity, development, and long-term stability of the Party and the state." In October 2006, promoting the harmony of the "Five Major Relations" was written into the resolution of the Sixth Plenary Session of the 16th CPC Central Committee. In 2007, the report to the 17th CPC National Congress clearly stated: "Promoting harmony in political party relations, ethnic relations, religious relations, social strata relations, and relations with compatriots at home and abroad plays an irreplaceable role in enhancing unity and coalescing strength." The "Five Major Relations" became an organic component of the Party's general tasks and general policy.

In short, from the perspective of the "Two Combinations," during the new period of socialist revolution, construction, and reform and opening up, the Communist Party of China proposed the "Long Live the Two" ^[21] thought, the theory of the patriotic united front, the theory of alliances in two scopes, the theory of the two banners of patriotism and socialism, the theory of the tripartite alliance, the "Two Healths" ^[22] theory, and the "Five Major Relations" theory. These further advanced the Sinicization and modernization of the united front, making united front theory more diverse and vibrant.

IV. United Front Theoretical Innovation in the New Era from the Perspective of the "Two Combinations"

Entering the New Era, the CPC explicitly proposed the major thesis of the "Two Combinations" in the process of advancing the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: "Opening up and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics on the deep foundation of more than 5,000 years of Chinese civilization, and combining the basic principles of Marxism with China's specific realities and with fine traditional Chinese culture, is the path we must take." He added, "Without the 5,000-year-old Chinese civilization, where would Chinese characteristics come from? And without these characteristics, how could we have the successful path of socialism with Chinese characteristics we have today? Only by rooting ourselves in the magnificent 5,000-plus-year history of Chinese civilization can we truly understand the historical necessity, cultural connotations, and unique advantages of the Chinese path."

The CPC combines the basic principles of Marxism with China's specific realities, paying particular attention to the changes in social structure that have arisen since the New Era, during which the market has begun to play a decisive role in resource allocation. These structural changes are both continuous with those of the preceding period of reform and opening up and reflective of many new characteristics of the New Era.

First is individualization. Reform and opening up advanced modernization, and modernization inevitably leads to social differentiation. On one hand, social differentiation manifests as social individualization; after individuals left the "unit system" ^[23], they entered the market and became independent social individuals or market entities. On the other hand, independent social individuals reorganize within the market and society based on factors such as professional ties (yeyuan), geographic ties (diyuan), shared interests (quyuan), and educational ties (xueyuan) under marketized conditions, forming different social strata and producing a rich and colorful social stratification structure. The ultimate result is that differentiation occurs within original classes and strata, and new strata emerge from within original classes. As new social forces differentiate, they generate new social strata. The emergence of these new social strata makes the entire social stratification structure more pluralistic. An important way for the governing party to organically integrate the old and new social class and strata structures is through the united front.

Second is groupification. Following social individualization, independent individuals interact with others in the market to satisfy their needs. In these interactions, to defend their interests or realize personal value, individuals are driven to combine with subjects who share consistent interests or values, forming social groups. These social groups are no longer the original groups based on administrative measures or the unit system (danwei); rather, they are socialized groups based on marketization, such as online writer groups, professional e-sports player groups, and lawyer groups.

Third is networkization. According to statistical reports on China's internet development, as of December 2023, the number of Chinese internet users reached 1.092 billion, an increase of 24.8 million over December 2022, with an internet penetration rate of 77.5%. In China, the internet has become not only a form of production and life but also a social form and a mode of social interaction; online society and offline society are both tangible social realities. As society enters the networked era, the united front pays close attention to the impact of social networking on itself. Cyber-united front work (wangluo tongzhan) takes diverse forms, mainly divided into two aspects: first, cyber-united front work centered on internet-based enterprises, which shares commonalities with offline enterprise united front work but also possesses particularities; second, cyber-united front work centered on "internet personalities" (wangluo renshi). This work focuses both on "internet big shots" (wangluo daka) who center on online speech and influencing public opinion, and on individuals who use the internet as a means of livelihood, such as online writers and professional influencers (wanghong).

Fourth is intelligentization. This primarily refers to society gradually entering the digital and intelligent era, where the rapid development of artificial intelligence impacts the social structure. Intelligentization differs from networkization as a higher-order social form. Currently, AI has gradually entered the fields of production and life, becoming a social form and causing structural changes. In the field of the united front, AI has partially entered into united front culture and propaganda, such as using VR technology to advance the construction and protection of historical and cultural resources of the united front, achieving the integrated development of "online + onsite." Of course, the impact of intelligentization on social structural changes and united front theoretical innovation still requires deep observation following the pace of AI development.

Based on social structural changes in the New Era, the CPC has combined the basic principles of Marxism with China's specific realities, pushing the united front to keep pace with these changes and continuously enriching and developing the theory of united front work regarding "people in new social strata."

First, based on changes in the social stratification structure in the New Era, the Party proposed a general approach and working principles for united front work regarding people in new social strata, gradually forming a systematic theory. During the new period of reform and opening up, the CPC made the strategic judgment that work regarding people in new social strata was a new focal point of united front work. Since entering the New Era, the CPC has further deepened this: in 2017, the first national conference on united front work for people in new social strata was held, reclassifying these individuals from the original "six types of people" to "four types of people." At the same time, the working principle of "full respect, extensive contact, strengthening unity, enthusiastic help, and active guidance" was proposed, along with the basic approach of "organizing and coalescing" them. Associations of people in new social strata have been established at the national, provincial, municipal, and county levels. United front work for these individuals occupies a pivotal position in the united front work of the New Era.

Second, based on the reality of groupification, new concepts have been proposed, such as united front work for "personnel in intermediary and social organizations" and "freelance professionals." Personnel in intermediary organizations include social groups such as certified tax agents, certified public accountants, lawyers, and industry associations. Personnel in social organizations include those working in social groups, foundations, private non-enterprise units, new social organizations, and public welfare social organizations. Freelance professionals mainly refer to the vast number of "self-employed individuals" who rely on their skills and are not employed by any unit, including social groups such as online writers, independent designers, and psychological counselors. These groups represent a massive workforce. These new concepts expand the scope and working surface of the united front while paying high attention to emerging social groups generated by structural changes.

Third, based on the social reality of the networked era, new concepts such as united front work for "new media professionals" and "internet personalities" have been proposed. Both groups have emerged with the rapid development of network technology and new media. In 2014, the United Front Work Department and the Office of the Central Cyberspace Affairs Commission jointly issued the "Opinions on Carrying Out United Front Work for New Media Professionals." It emphasized promoting the healthy development of the new media industry and the healthy growth of its professionals, focusing on cultivating representative figures who are politically firm, outstanding in performance, and recognized by the masses. "Internet personalities" generally refers to influential people on the internet, the vast majority of whom are non-CPC members and mostly located outside the state system. Specifically, they include personnel engaged in management, production and dissemination, technical research and development, and investment and financing based on information technology and internet platforms, possessing the capacity for public opinion dissemination, content production, and social mobilization. United front work for internet personalities refers to the CPC acting as the main body to unite non-CPC members engaged in online activities around the Party, constructing a "political concentric circle" with the CPC at the center. In 2019, the Central Leading Group for United Front Work issued the "Opinions on Strengthening United Front Work for Internet Personalities," and the first-ever conference on this subject was held. With the arrival of the intelligent era, new concepts such as "digital united front" are about to be born, necessitating corresponding theoretical innovation.

Regarding the "Second Combination," the CPC has formed a stronger ideological consciousness in the New Era to combine Marxism with fine traditional Chinese culture. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: "The 'Second Combination' is a profound summary of our Party's historical experience in the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism... It shows that our Party's understanding of the Chinese path, theory, and system has reached a new height, our historical and cultural confidence has reached a new height, and our consciousness in advancing cultural innovation while inheriting fine traditional Chinese culture has reached a new height."

The results of combining Marxist united front theory with fine traditional Chinese culture are both a component of Xi Jinping's important thought on strengthening and improving the Party's united front work in the New Era and the core content of the patriotic united front in the New Era.

First, by inheriting and developing the ideas of "virtuous governance" (dezheng) and "benevolent governance" (renzheng) from Chinese civilization, as well as the traditional wisdom of "the benevolent man loves others" and "establishing individuals through virtue," it is emphasized that united front work must focus on winning people's hearts. The essential requirement of united front work is "great unity and great alliance" (da tuanjie da lianhe), which solves the problem of "hearts and strength," forming the "political force" theory of the New Era united front.

Second, by inheriting and developing the political wisdom of Chinese civilization regarding "inclusiveness," "seeking common ground while reserving differences," and "harmony without uniformity," it is emphasized to firmly grasp the theme of great unity and great alliance. Seeking common ground while reserving differences has been developed into "persisting in the unity of consistency and diversity," "finding the greatest common divisor," and "drawing the largest concentric circle," forming the "political concentric circle" theory of the New Era united front.

Third, by inheriting and developing the concept of "governance of the world through common participation" (tiānxià gòngzhì) ^[24], the administrative tradition of "republicanism" (gònghé) and "consultation" (shāngliang), and the cultural spirit of "pooling collective wisdom and effort for the benefit of all," the Party has proposed the theory of non-CPC political parties as "participating parties" ^[25] in socialism with Chinese characteristics. This clarifies that the system of multiparty cooperation and political consultation under the leadership of the Communist Party of China is a "new type of political party system." This represents a major theoretical innovation regarding our country's party system since the beginning of the New Era. In 2013, at a Spring Festival symposium for non-CPC personages, General Secretary Xi Jinping first proposed that all democratic parties are "participating parties in socialism with Chinese characteristics that work in full cooperation with the Communist Party of China." In 2018, during a joint panel discussion with members of the China Democratic League (CDL), the China Zhi Gong Party, personages without party affiliation, and the All-China Federation of Returned Overseas Chinese attending the first session of the 13th National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC), General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out that the system of multiparty cooperation and political consultation led by the CPC "is a new type of party system grown from Chinese soil," putting forward the concept of the "new type of political party system" for the first time.

Fourth, by inheriting and developing the "Grand Unity" (dàyitǒng) ^[26] ideology of Chinese civilization, characterized by the phrase "the six directions share the same customs, and the nine provinces are governed by the same system" (liùhé tóngfēng, jiǔzhōu gòngguàn) ^[27], the Party has followed the historical trend of the Chinese nation’s internal cohesion and "unity in diversity" (duōyuán yìtǐ). It emphasizes forging a strong sense of community for the Chinese nation, thus forming a theoretical system for the community of the Chinese nation. Fifth, by inheriting and developing the administrative traditions of "integrity, prudence, and diligence" (qīng, shèn, qín) and the Confucian concept of "righteousness versus profit" (yì lì), as well as the spirit of "discarding the old to bring forth the new" and advancing with the times, the Party emphasizes the construction of a theory for a "new type of pro-party and clean relationship between government and business." Sixth, by inheriting and developing the broad-mindedness of Chinese civilization—where "the sea admits a hundred rivers" and "great virtue carries all things"—the Party emphasizes that achieving the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation is the shared dream of all Chinese sons and daughters at home and abroad. It seeks to improve the "Great United Front" work pattern, mobilizing all Chinese people to think and work together toward the Chinese Dream of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. Seventh, by inheriting and developing the core value of "harmony" (héxié) in Chinese civilization, the Party proposed the theory of socialist consultative democracy. "Harmony" (hé) or "harmony" (héxié) is the core value of Chinese civilization; as a formal concept, he was first proposed in the late Western Zhou Dynasty. During the late Spring and Autumn period, political and intellectual elites such as Yan Ying, Laozi, and Confucius all placed great importance on he, treating it as a core concept of their worldview, values, and outlook on life. As the harmonious unity of different elements, he inherently requires consultation; thus, it emphasizes the development of socialist consultative democracy. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: "Under China's socialist system, when matters arise, we consult one another. Matters involving the people are discussed by the people. Finding the greatest common denominator (zuìdà gōngyuēshù) ^[28] of the will and demands of the whole of society is the essence of people's democracy."

In short, after entering the New Era, the CPC explicitly put forward the major thesis of the "Two Combinations" and integrated the "Two Combinations"—especially the "Second Combination"—with the development of the United Front in the New Era. This led to the proposal of the "political forces" theory, the "concentric political circles" theory, the theory of the Chinese new type of political party system, the theoretical system for the community of the Chinese nation, the theory of a new type of pro-party and clean relationship between government and business, the theory of socialist consultative democracy, the theory of United Front work for people in new social strata, and the theory of improving the Great United Front work pattern. These are the new achievements in the development of United Front theory in the New Era.

V. Conclusion

The historical practice of the CPC in promoting the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism, through creative results that continually write new chapters, demonstrates that adhering to the "Two Combinations" is the key to the Party’s eternal youth and the longevity of its cause. In the process of China's revolution, construction, and reform, the evolution from a class alliance to an alliance of patriots reflects the developmental trajectory of the Sinicization and modernization of Marxist United Front theory. The "Two Combinations" have become the internal mechanism for this process. Over the past century, they have driven the innovation of the CPC’s United Front theory and served as one of its most important sources. The history of the development of the CPC’s United Front theory is a history of innovation in which the "Two Combinations" and the United Front fit together (qìhé). During the period of the New Democratic Revolution, the CPC combined Marxism with the realities of the Chinese revolution, proposed the "magic weapon" theory of the United Front, and achieved the great victory of the New Democratic Revolution. During the periods of socialist revolution, construction, and reform and opening up, the CPC—through the "Two Combinations"—defined the patriotic nature of the United Front in the new period. It proposed the theory of the Patriotic United Front, along with the "Long Live Both" ^[29] (liǎnggè wànsuì) thought, the theory of two scopes of alliances, the "Three-Wheeled" alliance theory, and the "Five Major Relations" theory. Entering the New Era, through the "Two Combinations," the CPC has put forward the "political forces" theory, the "concentric political circles" theory, the theory of improving the Great United Front work pattern, the theory of the Chinese new type of political party system, the theoretical system for the community of the Chinese nation, the theory of a new type of pro-party and clean relationship between government and business, the theory of socialist consultative democracy, and the theory of United Front work for people in new social strata. These innovative theories are both components of General Secretary Xi Jinping's important thought on strengthening and improving the Party's United Front work in the New Era and the core content of the Patriotic United Front in the New Era.