Huang Rongsheng: The Rich Connotations and Practical Essentials of "The Party’s Self-Revolution Focusing on the Governance of Power"
General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized at the Fifth Plenary Session of the 20th CPC Central Commission for Discipline Inspection: "The Party's self-revolution focuses on the governance of power; confining power within the cage of institutions is an important task for comprehensively and strictly governing the Party in the New Era." Deeply understanding the spirit of this important speech is of vital significance for further deepening our regular understanding of the anti-corruption struggle, thoroughly advancing the Party's self-revolution, effectively regulating the key link of power operation, and ensuring that the power entrusted by the Party and the people is always used to serve the people.
1. A profound grasp of the laws of governance and the laws of power operation
General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: "Our Party has such a long history, such a large scale, and has been in power for so long. How can we escape the historical cycle of rise and fall [1]? Comrade Mao Zedong gave the first answer in a cave dwelling in Yan'an: 'Only by letting the people supervise the government will the government dare not slacken.' After a century of struggle, and especially through new practices since the 18th Party Congress, our Party has given the second answer, which is self-revolution." How to successfully escape the historical cycle of rise and fall is a fundamental issue concerning the lasting cause of the Communist Party of China and a distinct main thread running through our Party’s practice of governance. The exploration of and answer to this question clearly reflect the trajectory of our Party’s continuous deepening of its understanding of governance laws across different historical stages.
Looking back at the Yan'an period, when faced with the "Cave Dwelling Inquiry," Comrade Mao Zedong provided the answer of "letting the people supervise the government." Its great significance lies in the fact that this answer was rooted in the historical materialist view that the people create history; it profoundly revealed the essence of the people's democratic dictatorship and established the fundamental political principle that public power must accept the supervision of its owners—namely, the supervision of the people. Since socialism with Chinese characters entered the New Era, and in the face of the severe tests of governance, reform and opening up, the market economy, and the external environment, General Secretary Xi Jinping solemnly proposed the second answer to escaping the historical cycle: self-revolution. This answer profoundly demonstrates that maintaining the Party's advanced nature and purity depends not only on external "physical examinations and treatments" but even more on the "immune repair" provided by the strength of the Party’s own organism. To advance the Party’s self-revolution, we must grasp its most critical and concrete focal points and breakthroughs; only by directly targeting the core field of power operation can we reach the deep-seated roots of corruption.
The important thesis that "the Party's self-revolution focuses on the governance of power" achieves a leap in paradigm shift—from emphasizing the supervision and constraint of power to the systematic governance of power. This is both an inheritance and sublimation of the two answers—"people's supervision" and "self-revolution"—and serves as the core hub and strategic pivot to push these concepts deeper and put them into practice. The rise and fall of countless regimes throughout history and across the globe prove that power lacking effective restraint inevitably leads to corruption and alienation. Defining the "governance of power" as the gravity center of self-revolution reflects our Party's profound grasp of the laws of power operation. It indicates that the most thorough self-revolution lies in systematically regulating the allocation of power, strictly supervising the exercise of power, and ensuring that power always submits to the will and interests of the people. This concentrates several expressions: the distinct class nature of a Marxist governing party, which dictates that power must faithfully serve the fundamental interests of the masses and never be allowed to become a tool for any privileged stratum or interest group; the thorough revolutionary spirit, which requires the courage of "turning the blade inward" to resolutely fight all acts that abuse power or harm the cause of the Party and the people; and the scientific institutional concept, which requires that the setting, operation, and supervision of power be fully incorporated into institutionalized, standardized, and procedural tracks, ultimately building a power operation system characterized by scientific decision-making, resolute execution, and powerful supervision. Thus, it can be said that the important thesis "the Party's self-revolution focuses on the governance of power" is the most resolute, profound, and contemporary response to the "Cave Dwelling Inquiry" on the new journey of national rejuvenation, pointing the way forward for the Party to achieve long-term stability and progress under the conditions of long-term governance.
2. A clear understanding of the gravity and complexity of the anti-corruption struggle
Corruption is the largest malignant tumor endangering the Party's vitality and combat effectiveness. The thesis that "the Party's self-revolution focuses on the governance of power" stems from the Party's clear judgment and strategic consideration of the gravity and complexity of the anti-corruption struggle.
The fundamental crux of corruption often points to the abuse of power. While various manifestations of corruption differ greatly, their common root and core crux invariably point to the abuse of power. When public power deviates from its original purpose and is alienated from a public instrument for serving the people into a tool for seeking private gain, the Party's governing foundation is seriously eroded. Whether it is the exchange of power for money and interest transfers in the economic field, the formation of "cliques and factions" (团团伙伙) [2] and personal dependency that undermine rules in political life, or backroom deals and perverting the law for personal gain in organizational personnel, resource allocation, administrative approval, and law enforcement and justice—hidden behind all of these is the malfunction and loss of control in power operation. Numerous facts in social life warn us that the breeding and spread of corruption are often related to unscientific power allocation, opaque operation processes, and lax supervision and restraint. Some so-called "high-risk areas" become disaster zones for corruption primarily because power is excessively concentrated and lacks necessary supervision; the trajectory of some leading officials transforming from "good cadres" to "prisoners" is often rooted in the fact that the power in their hands lost effective restraint. Based on this profound understanding of the mechanisms of corruption, our Party clearly realizes that the anti-corruption struggle cannot be satisfied with investigating individual cases—"pulling up rotten trees" or "treating sick trees." The most thorough and effective anti-corruption must directly target the profound transformation and systematic restructuring of power operation itself. That is, through comprehensively deepening reform and scientific institutional construction, we must regulate the granting, allocation, exercise, and supervision of power from the source, minimizing the space for rent-seeking and rent-setting, and thoroughly eradicating the soil and conditions upon which corruption depends.
Anti-corruption is the most thorough form of self-revolution. Further regulating the operation of power is both a fundamental strategy to win the anti-corruption struggle and a touchstone to measure whether self-revolution has touched the soul and confronted tough issues. If the practice of self-revolution bypasses the core topic of regulating power operation and avoids the deep-seated problem of optimizing power structures, it will amount to a superficial effort—"scratching an itch through one's boot" (隔靴搔痒) [3]—unable to truly cure chronic ailments, and the goals of self-purification, self-perfection, self-reformation, and self-improvement will be unattainable. Regulating power operation means using great political courage and wisdom to define its activities with clear rules, regulate its scope with strict and fair procedures, and illuminate its every corner with all-round supervision. To this end, we must carry forward the spirit of thorough self-revolution, daring to take a knife to unreasonable power allocations, breaking institutional barriers that breed privileged ideas and phenomena, and constructing power operation mechanisms characterized by scientific decision-making, resolute execution, and powerful supervision. Only in this way can we ensure that the power entrusted by the Party and the people is always used for the great practice of seeking rejuvenation for the nation and happiness for the people, thereby further demonstrating the thoroughness, authenticity, and effectiveness of self-revolution.
3. More scientifically and effectively confining power within the cage of institutions
Governing power must first involve governing the Party, and governing the Party must be strict. "More scientifically and effectively confining power within the cage of institutions" is both an important task of comprehensively and strictly governing the Party in the New Era and an inevitable requirement for implementing the thesis that "the Party's self-revolution focuses on the governance of power."
Institutions are the fundamental guarantee for constraining power. To confine power within the cage of institutions, the primary prerequisite is that the cage itself must be scientific, rigorous, and "tight but not cumbersome," preventing situations where "a cattle pen confines a cat" (allowing easy entry and exit) or a "paper cage traps a tiger" (existing in name only). Scientific institutional design must adhere to a problem-oriented approach, focusing on weak links in power operation, areas with high corruption incidence, and new trends in "new-style" and "hidden" corruption. It must precisely mend institutional shortcomings and fill gaps, creating power catalogs for key links such as policy-making, decision-making, and approval/supervision. It must clarify the subjects, scope, procedures, and responsibilities of power exercise, delineating boundaries and eliminating the decoupling of power and responsibility. Furthermore, it must strengthen systems thinking, promoting the organic connection between intra-Party regulations and national laws. Following the principle that "anything not authorized by law is prohibited," we must promote the legalization of organizations, functions, powers, procedures, and responsibilities, improving the list system for powers and obligations to build a closed institutional loop of "scientific authorization—correct use of power—effective restraint of power." Since the 18th Party Congress, from the Eight-Point Regulations to the [revised] Regulations on CPC Disciplinary Action and the Supervision Law, all serve as powerful witnesses to the gradual formation of a complete, scientific, and standardized institutional system, providing a solid guarantee for the impartial, clean, and scientific use of power. To tighten the institutional cage on the new journey, we must base our work on the overall development of the Party and country during the "15th Five-Year Plan" period, focusing on new characteristics of power operation, continuously improving the supply of institutions so that design meets practical needs while remaining forward-looking and operational—truly becoming a "hardcore" yardstick for regulating power.
No matter how rigorous the institutional system or how efficient the operating mechanism, powerful execution is indispensable. The core of strong execution lies in making institutional regulations truly "live high-voltage wires" with unquestionable and untouchable authority. First, we must insist that everyone is equal before the law and institutions, that there are no privileges in complying with regulations, and no exceptions in executing them. We must let "iron rules" exert their force and "prohibitions" manifest their power. Whether for high-ranking officials or ordinary Party members, leading organs or grassroots organizations, there is no particularity in the requirements for observing discipline. Any violation must be seriously investigated and handled according to regulations and laws; no leniency can be shown, so as to maintain the universal binding force of institutions through fair discipline enforcement. Second, we must strengthen the intensity and effectiveness of supervision, discipline enforcement, and accountability. As specialized organs for intra-Party supervision and national oversight, commissions for discipline inspection and supervision must loyally fulfill the duties endowed by the Party Constitution and the National Constitution, daring to confront tough issues. They should precisely apply the "four forms" of oversight and discipline [4], nipping problems in the bud (抓早抓小) [5], while maintaining zero-tolerance deterrence against serious violations. We must improve the accountability mechanism, ensuring that "failure to fulfill responsibility leads to questioning, and questioning leads to strict accountability," thereby pressing down the political responsibility for comprehensively and strictly governing the Party at every level. Third, we must continuously carry out publicity, education, and cultural immersion. By strengthening education on Party spirit, style, and discipline, and by building a culture of integrity, we can guide officials to establish a heart of awe toward institutions from their inner depths. This builds a levee against corruption, enhancing their sense of identification with and reverence for institutions, and achieves an organic unity between external rigid constraints and internal conscious compliance, ensuring the cage of institutions remains impregnable and effective over the long term.
4. Firming the determination to "not stop for a single step, nor yield by half a step"
The soil and conditions that breed corruption are stubborn and recurring; anti-corruption work has no "finished" state. Only by firming the conviction and determination to "not stop for a single step, nor yield by half a step" [6] and by continuously improving the restraint and supervision mechanisms for the allocation and operation of power can we ensure that power always runs on the institutional track, using the actual results of power governance to fortify the foundation of the Party's long-term governance.
We must maintain the strategic resolve of "not stopping for a single step," lead with the spirit of the Party's self-revolution, grasp the work unremittingly, and tighten the institutional cage. Adhering to a problem-oriented approach, we must focus on weak links and high-incidence areas, accelerating the legalization of functions, powers, and responsibilities. We must clarify the boundaries of power for different positions and levels, eliminating overlapping functions and the decoupling of power from responsibility. For key links like policy-making and approval, we must formulate power catalogs to ensure there are rules to follow. By improving the Supervision Law and its implementation regulations, and introducing laws such as the Law Against Cross-Border Corruption, we can enhance the systematic and synergistic nature of the institutional system. This fills gaps in new business formats and fields while avoiding redundancy, creating an effective and functional cage.
We must adhere to the rigid requirement of "not yielding by half a step," ensuring that the operation of power does not cross the "red line." Executing institutions depends heavily on grasping the "key minority" (关键少数) [7]. First, we must improve supervision methods for this "key minority," strictly implementing democratic centralism and the "Triple Great and One Large" (三重一大) [8] decision-making system. This eliminates bad styles such as "one-man rule" (一言堂) or "patriarchalism" (家长制). Through the "leading goose effect" (头雁效应) [9], we can lead all Party members to foster institutional awareness and rule-of-law thinking. Second, we must follow the requirement to "integratedly advance the goals of ensuring that officials do not dare, cannot, and do not want to be corrupt, resolutely winning the tough, protracted, and total war against corruption." By focusing on key fields and positions, we must persist with "no off-limits zones, full coverage, and zero tolerance." We must use heavy curbs and high pressure to build the "dare not" defense, while deepening reform to perfect mechanisms for the "cannot" defense and strengthening ideological education for the "do not want" defense. Third, based on the prominent manifestations of the Four Winds in different regions and levels, we must continue of the work of rectifying conduct and enforcing discipline, investigating and handling violations swiftly and strictly to strengthen the deterrent effect.
With the persistence of "always being on the road," we must improve the supervision system to ensure there are no "forbidden zones" or "blind spots." On one hand, we must strengthen the leading role of intra-Party supervision, improving a pattern where Party committees exercise comprehensive supervision, commissions for discipline inspection exercise specialized supervision, Party departments exercise functional supervision, grassroots organizations exercise daily supervision, and Party members exercise democratic supervision. On the other hand, we must deepen the reform of the discipline inspection and supervision system, optimizing collaborative mechanisms between different supervision units and local authorities to enhance effectiveness. We must promote the coordination of various types of supervision—combining intra-Party supervision with oversight by the National People's Congress, democratic supervision, administrative supervision, judicial supervision, mass supervision, and public opinion supervision. At the same time, we should fully utilize big data, artificial intelligence, and other modern technologies to build "smart supervision" platforms, achieving real-time monitoring and dynamic early warnings of power operation, thereby improving the precision and effectiveness of supervision.