Luo Wendong: Xi Jinping's Adherence to and Development of Marxist Ideological Theory

Marxist classical authors, utilizing the basic principles of dialectical materialism and historical materialism, conducted a scientific analysis and summarization of the essential laws of ideological struggle in human society across various levels. They founded a scientific theory of ideology, providing a sharp intellectual weapon for the proletarian revolutionary movement and the practice of socialist construction. The Communist Party of China (CPC) has consistently taken seeking happiness for the people, rejuvenation for the nation, Great Harmony ^[1] for the world, and liberation for humanity as its purpose and mission. By combining the basic principles of Marxism with China’s specific realities and with fine traditional Chinese culture, the Party has continuously deepened and expanded its understanding of the essential laws of ideological struggle, leading the people to great victories in revolution, construction, and reform. Especially since the 18th Party Congress, Xi Jinping has coordinated the strategic overall situation of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation and the world’s profound changes unseen in a century. He has put forward a series of important expositions on major issues such as the connotation and substance, status and role, methods and means, and processes and trends of ideological struggle, opening up a new realm in the development of Marxist ideological theory.

I. On the Connotation and Substance of Ideological Struggle

Essential laws refer to the inherent, inevitable, and stable connections between the internal elements of a thing, between it and other things, and throughout its developmental process. Marx wrote in Capital: "Even when a society has begun to track down the natural laws of its movement... it can neither leap over the natural phases of its development nor shuffle them out of the world by decrees." Lenin pointed out in his Philosophical Notebooks: "Law is relation... relation of essences or between essences." "Law is the identical in phenomena." Viewed from its connotation and substance, the core of ideological struggle in human society is the competition between different values; its substance is the reflection and contest for class leadership ^[2], and consequently, the seizure and consolidation of state power.

As early as the autumn of 1845 to May 1846, Marx and Engels co-authored The German Ideology, which thoroughly criticized German philosophy represented by Feuerbach, Bauer, and Stirner, as well as German socialism represented by various prophets. This work stripped away the mysterious and illusory veil that had shrouded ideology for millennia, expounded the dialectical materialist conception of history and scientific ideological theory, and realized a fundamental transformation in the history of philosophy. Marx and Engels clearly stated: "German philosophy descends from heaven to earth; here, in complete contrast to it, we ascend from earth to heaven." "Our starting-point is the men who are active in real life, and from their real life-process we can also show the development of the ideological reflexes and echoes of this life-process... Morality, religion, metaphysics, and all the rest of ideology as well as the forms of consciousness corresponding to these, thus no longer retain the semblance of independence." Unlike various idealist conceptions of history, the historical materialism they founded does not hunt for certain categories in every age; it does not explain practice from ideas, nor does it simply use spiritual criticism to eliminate all forms and products of consciousness. Instead, standing on the foundation of social history, it explains ideological concepts from the starting point of material practice. It maintains that these ideological concepts can only be finally eliminated by the actual overthrow of the social relations from which all idealist fallacies arise. Ideologies composed of economic theory, political thought, morality, art, religion, and philosophy are all determined by civil society ^[3] (the economic base) and dominated by the mode of material production; their nature is determined by the nature of the relations of production that occupy the dominant position in society. In a society where classes and class antagonisms exist, ideology inevitably possesses a distinct class character. Its core content is the concentrated reflection of the fundamental interests and value pursuits of different classes. The contest between various classes in the ideological field must necessarily be manifested in the competition of different values. Capitalist countries such as Britain and the United States advocate "liberty," "equality," and "fraternity" as universal values, forcibly marketing them worldwide and swinging the "values club" to suppress or sanction those who do not comply. Conversely, socialist core values, as the concentrated reflection of the fundamental interests of the proletariat and the broad masses of the people, crystallize the value pursuits of all the people and constitute the core content of socialist ideology.

Xi Jinping, while presiding over the 12th collective study session of the Political Bureau of the 18th CPC Central Committee, pointed out: "Value concepts play a pivotal role in the culture of a given society; the influence of a culture is, first and foremost, the influence of its value concepts. The struggle between various cultures in the world is, in essence, a struggle of value concepts, a struggle for the hearts and minds of the people, and a struggle of ideologies. As the saying goes, 'Might is for a moment, but right is for all time.' ^[4] We must first fight well the tough battle for value concepts." While presiding over the 13th collective study session of the Political Bureau of the 18th CPC Central Committee, Xi Jinping emphasized: Diverse value concepts and orientations exist in any society. To consolidate the will and strength of the whole society, there must be a set of core values that are compatible with its economic base and political system and capable of building social consensus. "We must, from the strategic height of consolidating the common ideological foundation for the united struggle of the whole Party and people of all ethnic groups, and consolidating the Party’s governing position, continuously strengthen the construction of the socialist core value system. We must treat the cultivation and promotion of socialist core values as a foundational project for 'soul-coalescing and foundation-strengthening' ^[5] and as a fundamental task, effectively grasping and managing it well." In the report to the 20th Party Congress, Xi Jinping further pointed out: "Socialist core values are a powerful force for uniting the hearts and minds of the people and pooling their strength. We will promote the great founding spirit of the Party as the source of the spiritual pedigree of Chinese Communists, make good use of revolutionary resources, carry out in-depth publicity and education on socialist core values, deepen education in patriotism, collectivism, and socialism, and strive to cultivate newcomers of the era who can shoulder the heavy responsibility of national rejuvenation." "We will persist in combining the rule of law with the rule of virtue, and integrate socialist core values into the building of the rule of law, social development, and daily life." These important expositions by Xi Jinping profoundly reveal the important role of socialist core value construction and its competition with Western values in the ideological field and even in the overall work of the Party and the state.

As a constituent element of state power, ideology possesses the essential attribute of serving and submitting to state power, whether directly or indirectly. The substance of the ideological struggle between different classes is the contention for ideological leadership and political dominance. Marxist classical authors provided incisive expositions on this. Marx and Engels held: "The ideas of the ruling class are in every epoch the ruling ideas." "The ruling ideas are nothing more than the ideal expression of the dominant material relationships." For example, in a country where royalty, aristocracy, and the bourgeoisie struggle for dominance and where rule is shared, the doctrine of the separation of powers will be the dominant idea and will be proclaimed as an "eternal law." Lenin also pointed out: The rule of the proletariat was not consolidated all at once, but only after a long struggle against all backward doctrines such as petty-bourgeois socialism and anarchism; "any belittling of the socialist ideology, any withdrawal from it, means by that very fact the strengthening of bourgeois ideology." Mao Zedong stated even more explicitly: "To overthrow a political power, it is always necessary first of all to create public opinion, to do work in the ideological sphere. This is true for the revolutionary class as well as for the counter-revolutionary class."

As socialism with Chinese characteristics has entered a New Era, Xi Jinping has further proposed: Ideology concerns the banner, the path, and the political security of the state. Various hostile forces attempted to engineer a "color revolution" in our country to subvert the leadership of the Communist Party and the socialist system. "This is a realistic danger facing our regime security. One breakthrough point they have chosen is the ideological field, attempting to throw people's thoughts into chaos and then fish in troubled waters to win out of the chaos. Under the new circumstances, the struggle in the ideological field is complex and sharp. Both history and reality warn us that once the ideological and public opinion positions are breached, other lines of defense will be difficult to hold. In the struggle in the ideological field, we have no room for any compromise or concession; we must achieve total victory." In the report to the 20th Party Congress, Xi Jinping, standing at the height of coordinating development and security and implementing the holistic approach to national security, emphasized "resolutely safeguarding the security of state power, the system, and ideology, and strengthening security capacity building in key areas"; comprehensively strengthening national security education, enhancing the national security awareness and literacy of all the people, and building a solid people’s line of defense for national security; strictly guarding against systemic security risks, and severely cracking down on infiltration, sabotage, subversion, and secessionist activities by hostile forces, so as to guarantee the new development pattern with a new security pattern. These important expositions by Xi Jinping profoundly reveal the new situation and tasks facing ideological work and its importance and urgency for maintaining state power and ensuring regime security.

II. On the Status and Role of Ideological Struggle

Ideology is not a force that exists in and for itself, detached from the economic base and political life of society. Rather, it is the conceptual reflection of a given society's economic base and political superstructure, which in turn reacts upon politics and the economy and changes alongside their development.

The materialist conception of history explains all political events, all political thoughts, philosophy, religion, and other ideologies based on the material conditions of life in different periods and regions. Marx pointed out in the Preface to A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy: "In the social production of their life, men enter into definite, necessary relations, which are independent of their will, namely relations of production which correspond to a definite stage of development of their material productive forces. The sum total of these relations of production constitutes the economic structure of society, the real foundation, on which rises a legal and political superstructure and to which correspond definite forms of social consciousness. The mode of production of material life conditions the social, political and intellectual life process in general. It is not the consciousness of men that determines their being, but, on the contrary, their social being that determines their consciousness. At a certain stage of their development, the material productive forces of society come in conflict with the existing relations of production, or—what is but a legal expression for the same thing—with the property relations within which they have been at work hitherto. From forms of development of the productive forces these relations turn into their fetters. Then begins an epoch of social revolution. With the change of the economic foundation the entire immense superstructure is more or less rapidly transformed." This classic exposition of Marx reveals the status and role of ideology as the intellectual superstructure within the social structure, as well as the process and reasons for its development and changes.

The materialist conception of history also reveals the relative independence of ideology and its massive reaction back upon the economic base. In Engels’ view, once ideology arises, it develops in connection with the available conceptual material and processes it; "otherwise it would not be an ideology, i.e., it would not be a treatment of thoughts as independent entities, developing independently and subject only to their own laws." In his letter to Joseph Bloch, he wrote: "The economic situation is the basis, but the various elements of the superstructure—political forms of the class struggle and its results, such as constitutions established by the victorious class after a successful battle, etc., juridical forms, and even the reflexes of all these actual struggles in the brains of the participants, political, juristic, philosophical theories, religious views and their further development into systems of dogmas—also exercise their influence upon the course of the historical struggles and in many cases preponderate in determining their form. There is an interaction of all these elements in which, amid all the endless host of accidents (that is, of things and events whose inner interconnection is so remote or so impossible of proof that we can regard it as non-existent, as negligible), the economic movement finally asserts itself as necessary." The materialist conception of history also shows people that the development of ideology is by no means directly proportional to the economic development of a given society. Economically backward countries can create advanced culture. This was true for 18th-century France relative to England, and later for Germany relative to England and France. Especially in 19th-century Germany, although it was economically behind England and France, it was able to "play first fiddle" in philosophy, achieving the higher accomplishments of modern Western philosophy and constituting the direct source of Marxist philosophy. Generally speaking, once the correct ideas representing the advanced class are mastered by the masses, they transform into a powerful force for understanding and transforming the world. Conversely, the erroneous concepts representing the declining class will imprison people’s minds and become negative factors hindering the spread of truth and social progress.

From the day of its founding, the Communist Party of China (CPC) has held high the banner of Marxism, adhering to communist ideals and socialist convictions. Guided by Marxist ideological theory, the Party has continuously strengthened its ideological and theoretical building and its ideological and political work. It has coordinately advanced the Party’s self-revolution and the great social revolution, transforming the subjective world while transforming the objective world. Across all aspects—productive forces and relations of production, the economic base and the superstructure—the Party has facilitated earth-shaking historical changes in China. Mao Zedong attached great importance to the status and role of the superstructure, including ideology, in the cause of revolution and construction. He advocated absorbing the scientific and democratic essence of ancient and modern, Chinese and foreign cultures, while discarding their ignorant and feudal dross, to struggle for the construction of an independent, free, unified, and powerful New China. He stated explicitly: productive forces, practice, and the economic base generally play the primary and decisive role; those who do not recognize this are not materialists. However, it must also be recognized that under certain conditions, aspects such as the relations of production, theory, and the superstructure turn around to manifest a primary and decisive role. "When the superstructure (politics, culture, etc.) obstructs the development of the economic base, political and cultural reforms become the primary and decisive thing. ... This does not violate materialism; rather, it avoids mechanical materialism and upholds dialectical materialism." ^[6] Deng Xiaoping proposed that while building a socialist material civilization, we must also build a socialist spiritual civilization, encompassing education, science, and culture, as well as communist ideals, convictions, morality, and discipline, and comrade-like relationships between people. During his Southern Tour inspection in 1992, he pointed out that for Guangdong to catch up with the "Four Little Dragons" of Asia within 20 years, it was necessary not only to develop the economy but also to improve the social order and social atmosphere: "Only when both civilizations [material and spiritual] surpass them can it truly be socialism with Chinese characteristics."

Since the 18th CPC National Congress, the CPC has accurately grasped the new situation characterized by the mutual surging of global ideologies and cultures, as well as the profound changes in the ideological concepts of Chinese society. It has emphasized that ideology serves to establish the soul of the state and the nation ^[7]; we must firmly grasp leadership over ideological work and build a strong socialist cultural power. As early as August 19, 2013, in his speech at the National Meeting on Propaganda and Ideological Work, Xi Jinping profoundly noted: economic construction is the Party’s central work, but ideological work is work of extreme importance for the Party. "We must deeply understand the decisive role of the economic base on the superstructure, and deeply understand the counter-action of the superstructure on the economic base. We must have both hard power and soft power. We must effectively perform our central work to provide a solid material foundation for ideological work, and effectively perform ideological work to provide a strong guarantee for our central work. We cannot neglect ideological work because of the central work, nor can we allow ideological work to become detached from the central work." At the first plenary session of the 18th CPC Central Committee, he cautioned the whole Party that in the face of the complex situation of reform, development, and stability, as well as the diversification of social ideology and profound changes in the media landscape: "While concentrating energy on economic construction, we cannot for one moment relax or weaken ideological work. We must firmly hold the leadership, management, and discourse power of ideological work in our hands; it must not fall into the hands of others at any time, otherwise we will make an irrecoverable historical mistake." In the report to the 20th CPC National Congress, he further emphasized: "Ideological work is work that establishes the soul of the state and the nation. We must firmly grasp the Party's leadership over ideological work, fully implement the responsibility system for ideological work, and consolidate and strengthen the mainstream ideological public opinion for striving in the New Era." It is precisely under the guidance of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era that we have established and adhered to the fundamental system of the guiding position of Marxism in the ideological field. We have focused on resolving the problem of weakened Party leadership in the ideological sphere, upholding the fundamentals and breaking new ground while both establishing the new and breaking the old, and clearing the air of impurities. ^[8] The socialist core values have been widely disseminated, and the fine traditional Chinese culture has undergone creative transformation and innovative development. Consequently, a comprehensive and fundamental change has occurred in the situation of our country’s ideological field, and the cultural confidence of the entire nation has significantly strengthened. This has laid a common ideological foundation and provided a powerful spiritual force for opening up new prospects for the cause of the Party and the state in the New Era.

III. On the Methods and Means of Ideological Struggle

Ideological struggle differs from other forms of struggle. It cannot employ crude, coercive methods, but must only use detailed, reasoned methods. It must also coordinate with struggles in the economic and military fields and adapt to changes in media such as books, newspapers, periodicals, radio, television, and the internet and WeChat.

Generally speaking, social revolution relies not only on "money bags" and "the barrel of a gun," but also on "the pen" ^[9]. Some far-sighted politicians, in the process of carrying out economic, military, and ideological struggles, have paid attention to the role of ideology. Napoleon believed that one pen is better than two thousand muskets; in Eisenhower’s view, one dollar of external propaganda expenditure was equal to five dollars in defense spending. Nixon asserted that three unfriendly newspapers were more fearsome than a thousand bayonets; he even openly proclaimed that the competition between the United States and the Soviet Union was military, economic, and political, "but its root lies in ideology. The Soviet Union wants to spread communism and destroy freedom, while the United States wants to stop communism and spread freedom. If we lose in the ideological war, then all our weapons, treaties, trade, foreign aid, and cultural relations will be of no use." In the process of leading the Chinese revolution and construction, Mao Zedong coordinated and skillfully carried out struggles on the economic, military, and ideological fronts. He advocated that "all questions of an ideological nature and all issues of dispute within the people can only be settled by the democratic method, by the method of discussion, criticism, persuasion, and education, and not by the method of coercion or repression." Different forms and styles in art can develop freely, and different schools in science can contend freely; utilizing administrative power to forcibly promote one style or school while banning another would be harmful to the development of art and science. Therefore, he emphasized that questions of right and wrong in the arts and sciences should be settled through free discussion in artistic and scientific circles and through practical work in these fields, rather than through simplistic methods. "The policy of 'letting a hundred flowers bloom and a hundred schools of thought contend' is a policy for promoting the development of the arts and the progress of science, and for promoting the flourishing of socialist culture in our country." ^[10] Entering the new period of reform and opening up, Deng Xiaoping summarized the painful lessons of the expansion of the Anti-Rightist Struggle and the "Cultural Revolution." He proposed that "one should not think that simply by putting destruction first, construction will follow automatically." "Historical experience has proven that using the method of launching mass movements, rather than the method of thorough reasoning and calm discussion, to solve ideological education problems among the masses has never been successful." He advocated combining positive guidance with reasonable criticism, implementing the "Three-Nos" (no grabbing by the pigtails, no labeling, and no big sticks) ^[11], while not discarding the weapon of criticism. He insisted on the basic line of "one center, two basic points" ^[12] without wavering, opposing both "Left" and Right erroneous tendencies.

As socialism with Chinese characteristics entered the New Era, we have resolutely engaged in a great struggle with many new historical features, facing unprecedented challenges and difficulties. In his speech at the National Meeting on Propaganda and Ideological Work on August 19, 2013, Xi Jinping clearly pointed out the important policy of "persisting in unity, stability, and encouragement, with positive publicity as the mainstay," to consolidate and strengthen mainstream ideological public opinion, promote the "main melody" ^[13], spread positive energy, and stimulate the powerful force of the whole society for united progress. "We must dare to take charge and manage, dare to unsheathe the sword ^[14], focus on uniting and winning over the majority, and carry out public opinion struggles on just grounds, to our advantage, and with restraint ^[15], to help cadres and the masses distinguish between right and wrong and clarify blurred understandings." As for general disputes and blurred understandings, they cannot be resolved through administrative or legal means, but must rely on the power of Marxist truth and deep, meticulous ideological and political work, using truth to expose lies and allowing science to defeat fallacy. In the report to the 20th CPC National Congress, he further proposed: "We must persist in upholding the fundamentals and breaking new ground," treating science with a scientific attitude and pursuing truth with the spirit of truth. We must unswervingly adhere to the basic principles of Marxism, the comprehensive leadership of the Party, and socialism with Chinese characteristics. We must keep pace with the times, respond to the development of practice, treat all new things with great enthusiasm, continuously expand the breadth and depth of our understanding, dare to say new things that our predecessors did not say, dare to do things that our predecessors did not do, and guide new practices with new theories. We must "persist in carrying forward the spirit of struggle," strengthening the willpower, backbone, and confidence of the whole Party and the people of all ethnic groups. We must not believe in heresies, fear ghosts, or yield to pressure ^[16]. We must advance in the face of difficulties and meet challenges head-on, coordinating development and security, and making every effort to overcome various difficulties and challenges on the road ahead, opening up new horizons for the development of our cause through tenacious struggle. This series of important expositions by Xi Jinping has pointed out the correct direction, policies, methods, and principles for ideological work in the New Era.

As spiritual products, ideologies are generated in people's minds and influence their words and deeds; at the same time, they require media such as letters, newspapers, radio, television, and the internet for storage and dissemination before they can become a material force for understanding and transforming the world. Marx said: gunpowder, the compass, and printing were three great inventions that heralded the arrival of capitalist society. Gunpowder blew the knightly class into pieces, the compass opened the world market and established colonies, "and printing became the tool of Protestantism and, generally speaking, the means for the revival of science, the most powerful lever for creating the necessary prerequisites for spiritual development." Since the dawn of the modern era, with the advancement of industrialization, electrification, informatization, and urbanization, and the rise of mass culture and social media, the carriers and means of ideological struggle have continuously developed and changed. Particularly since the 1990s, the rapid development of new media such as the internet, microblogs, and WeChat has profoundly changed the way ideological public opinion is generated and disseminated. This has made the boundaries between international and domestic, online and offline, virtual and reality, and "inside the system" versus "outside the system" ^[17] increasingly blurred, constituting an ever more complex field of ideological public opinion characterized by new features such as spontaneity, suddenness, diversity, and difficulty in control. Many new situations and problems in the ideological field have arisen and increased because of the internet; the internet has become the main battlefield and main channel for hostile domestic and foreign forces to carry out infiltration and attacks against our country.

Since the 18th CPC National Congress, the CPC Central Committee has attached great importance to the construction and innovation of means of communication, promoting the integrated development of media to improve the reach, guidance, influence, and credibility of theory and public opinion. Xi Jinping emphasized: the internet has become the main battlefield of public opinion struggle and the front line of ideological struggle. "Whether we can hold our ground and win on the battlefield of the internet directly concerns our country’s ideological security and the security of the regime"; "To control the dominant power over internet ideology is to safeguard the national sovereignty and the regime." We must grasp the laws of network communication, improve our level of using and governing the internet, and turn the internet—this "greatest variable"—into the "greatest increment" for promoting the development of our cause. As new network media continue to evolve, "all-process media," "holographic media," "all-staff media," and "all-effect media" ^[18] have emerged. Information is everywhere, reaches everything, and is used by everyone. This has led to profound changes in the public opinion ecosystem, media landscape, and communication methods; ideological work faces new opportunities and challenges. We must profoundly grasp the trends and laws of media integration in the era of "all-media," and coordinately handle the relationships between traditional and new media, central and local media, mainstream media and commercial platforms, and mass and professional media, "forming an all-media communication system with intensive resources, rational structure, differentiated development, and efficient synergy." The report to the 20th CPC National Congress explicitly stated: "We will strengthen the construction of the all-media communication system and shape a new pattern of mainstream public opinion. We will improve the comprehensive internet governance system and promote the formation of a good network ecosystem." Managing and utilizing the internet well and promoting media integration is a foundational project for building socialist ideology under conditions of informatization and digitalization. This requires solving not only the questions of who administers and who uses it, but also how it is administered and how it is used. We must ensure good top-level design, persevere with a systems perspective, and master core technologies. We must quickly transform the advantages possessed by the Party and the state—such as ideological and cultural resources, big data for social governance, and policy formulation and implementation—into a comprehensive efficiency that consolidates and strengthens mainstream ideological public opinion, forming an "online and offline concentric circle" ^[19] and fighting the proactive battle of ideology.

IV. On the Process and Trends of Ideological Struggle

Until the disappearance of classes and the state, the ideological struggle between different classes remains perpetually present and in a state of continuous flux and development. Even in a classless society, the ideological struggle between the new and the old, and between correctness and error, will never conclude. Consequently, advocating erroneous viewpoints such as the "end of ideology" or "de-ideologization" is theoretically untenable and extremely harmful in practice. Since human society entered the modern era, a complex and intense struggle between the three ideologies of feudalism, capitalism, and socialism has persisted. However, the socialist ideology—which represents the transformation of the status quo and the future—will ultimately replace the ideologies of feudalism and capitalism. This is the historical law and inevitable trend of ideological struggle.

The establishment of the first international proletarian political party, the Communist League, and the publication of the Manifesto of the Communist Party marked the birth of Marxism and the formation of communist ideology. In the 170 years since, alongside the transformation of socialism from utopia to science, its leap from theory to system, and its expansion from a single country to multiple nations, the socialist ideology built upon the foundation of Marxist theory has become the guiding ideology and program of action for proletarian parties and socialist states. The founders of Marxism believed that the proletarian party possessed a "great advantage," namely, having a new scientific worldview as its theoretical foundation. Communism is not a mystical dogma but a practical movement; it does not proceed from abstract principles but from objective facts. Communists do not take some speculative philosophy as their premise, but rather the whole of history up to the present and its actual results created in civilized countries. Communism possesses scientificity, class character, timeliness, and practicality; it is the theoretical manifestation of the proletarian standpoint, viewpoint, and method within the class struggle, and "is the theoretical summary of the conditions for the liberation of the proletariat." Mao Zedong wrote in On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People that although the socialist transformation had been basically completed, the remnants of the overthrown landlord and comprador classes still existed, and the bourgeoisie still existed: "The class struggle in the ideological field between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie will continue to be long and tortuous and at times will even become very acute." Correct things always develop in the process of struggling against erroneous things; what is true, good, and beautiful always exists in comparison with what is false, evil, and ugly, and develops through struggle against them. "This struggle will never end. This is the law of the development of truth and, naturally, the law of the development of Marxism." At the time of the drastic changes in Eastern Europe and the disintegration of the Soviet Union ^[20], Deng Xiaoping observed the changes in the international situation and the global landscape, keenly pointing out: "I hoped that the Cold War would end, but now I feel disappointed. It may be that one Cold War has ended, but two others have already begun. One is directed against the entire South and the Third World, and the other is directed against socialism." He likened the strategy of "peaceful evolution" ^[21] pursued by imperialism against socialist countries to "fighting a Third World War without the smoke of gunpowder."

Entering the New Era, Xi Jinping has upheld the basic principles of Marxism and a macro-historical view ^[22]. By scientifically summarizing the 5,000-year civilizational history of the Chinese nation and the 500-year historical process of world socialism—particularly the major achievements and historical experience of the Communist Party of China's (CPC) centenary struggle—he has continuously deepened the understanding of the historical origins, realistic foundations, and developmental prospects of socialism with Chinese characteristics. He profoundly pointed out: Why did the Soviet Union disintegrate? Why did the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) collapse? An important reason was that the struggle in the ideological field was extremely intense; they comprehensively negated the history of the Soviet Union and the CPSU, negated Lenin and Stalin, and engaged in historical nihilism ^[23]. Once people's thinking was thrown into chaos, the Party organizations at all levels became almost useless. Since the 18th CPC National Congress, the domestic and international environment for ideological work has become more complex. External hostile forces have increased their penetration, and some domestic organizations and individuals have also changed their methods and tactics to manufacture ideological confusion and compete with the Party for the "hearts and minds" of the people. We must place ideological work in an important position and strengthen organizational leadership, "timely grasping the ideological situation and dynamics. Regarding various issues of political significance, principle, and orientation, we must dare to seize control and manage them; regarding various erroneous ideas, we must dare to 'show the sword' ^[24], help people distinguish right from wrong, and firmly grasp the initiative in ideological work. In particular, we must prevent various hostile forces from taking the opportunity to interfere and sabotage, avoid letting specific issues evolve into political problems or local issues evolve into global events, and avoid the occurrence of major ideological incidents and public opinion whirlpools." These important expositions by Xi Jinping are a scientific summary of the experiences and lessons of the international communist movement and a strategic deployment for ideological struggle in the New Era.

Within society and the state, there exists both the dominant ideology and ideologies existing in the form of old remnants and new sprouts; their coexistence and contest determine the pattern and direction of ideological struggle. In Anti-Dühring, Engels analyzed that alongside Christian-feudal morality, there existed bourgeois morality and proletarian morality, pointing out that in the most advanced European countries, three categories of moral theories acted simultaneously and side-by-side. "But the morality that contains the maximum elements promising permanence is the one which in the present represents the overturning of the present, the one which represents the future—the proletarian morality." Similarly, the socialist ideology, built upon a profound grasp of historical laws and the interests of the people, will certainly demonstrate powerful appeal and vitality in the process of struggling against feudal and capitalist ideologies. During his Southern Tour speeches ^[25], Deng Xiaoping pointed out: "The number of people in the world who favor Marxism will increase, because Marxism is a science. It uses historical materialism to reveal the laws of human social development. Feudal society replaced slave society, capitalism replaced feudalism, and socialism will inevitably replace capitalism after a long process of development. This is the irreversible general trend of socio-historical development, but the road is tortuous. During the several hundred years in which capitalism replaced feudalism, how many times did dynastic restorations occur? Therefore, in a certain sense, some temporary restorations are predictable phenomena that are difficult to avoid completely. Serious setbacks have occurred in some countries, and socialism seems to have been weakened, but the people have been tempered and have drawn lessons from this, which will prompt socialism to develop in a healthier direction." Xi Jinping also emphasized that no matter how the times change or how science progresses, Marxism still demonstrates the power of scientific thought and still occupies the moral high ground of truth. To do a good job in ideological work under the new situation, "one must persist in Marxism, firmly establish the lofty ideal of communism and the common ideal of socialism with Chinese characteristics, cultivate and practice socialist core values, and continuously enhance the dominance and discourse power ^[26] in the ideological field. We must promote the creative transformation and innovative development of fine traditional Chinese culture, inherit revolutionary culture, develop advanced socialist culture, and stay true to our roots while absorbing external influences and facing the future, so as to better construct the Chinese spirit, Chinese values, and Chinese power, and provide spiritual guidance for the people." The report to the 20th CPC National Congress explicitly proposed: "Strengthen education on ideals and convictions, guide the whole Party to keep in mind the Party's purpose, and resolve the 'master switch' ^[27] issue of worldvview, outlook on life, and values. We must consciously become firm believers and faithful practitioners of the lofty ideal of communism and the common ideal of socialism with Chinese characteristics. We must persist in the integration of study, thought, and application, and the unity of knowledge, belief, and action, transforming Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era into a powerful force for firming up ideals, tempering Party spirit, guiding practice, and promoting work." Only by promoting the normalization and institutionalization of education on ideals and convictions—and by continuously carrying out publicity and education on the history of the Party, the history of New China, the history of reform and opening up, and the history of socialist development, thereby guiding the people to know history so as to love the Party and the country—can we complete the main task of strengthening the 'Four Confidences' (confidence in the path, theory, system, and culture) of socialism with Chinese characteristics and establishing socialist core values. This is the only way to achieve the fundamental goal of building socialist ideology: strengthening faith in Marxism, conviction in socialism and communism, and confidence in the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.

The law of ideological struggle is a basic principle of the Marxist dialectical relationship and contradictory movement between social existence and social consciousness, and between the economic base and the superstructure; it is the concentrated expression of the ideological field with values at its core. Furthermore, the law of ideological struggle is subject to and follows the basic laws of human historical development: that social consciousness is determined by social existence but possesses relative independence and reacts upon social existence; and that the superstructure must adapt to the economic base but exerts a massive reaction upon it. Entering the New Era, we have persisted in Marxism-Leninism, Mao Zedong Thought, Deng Xiaoping Theory, the Theory of Three Represents, and the Scientific Outlook on Development. We have fully implemented Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, the Party's basic line, and its basic policy. We have withstood risks and challenges from political, economic, and ideological spheres, achieved the goal of building a moderately prosperous society in all respects as scheduled, and propelled our country onto a new journey of comprehensively building a modern socialist country. Xi Jinping's series of important expositions and strategic deployments regarding ideology represent a steadfast adherence to and creative development of Marxist ideological theory. Deeply studying and implementing the spirit of the 20th CPC National Congress, continuously writing new chapters in the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism, accelerating the construction of a socialist ideology that reflects the national spirit and the characteristics of the times with strong cohesion and leadership, and consolidating the common ideological foundation for the people of all ethnic groups to unite and struggle for the comprehensive construction of a modern socialist country and the comprehensive promotion of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation—these are the primary tasks and historical subjects for the theoretical and ideological fronts at present and for a period to come.

(Author: Luo Wendong is the Secretary of the Party Committee, Deputy Director, and Researcher at the Institute of World History) Web Editor: Lian Yu Source: Studies in Marxist Theory, Issue 11, 2022