Marxism Research Network
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Li Jie: The Macro-Historical View and the Correct View of Party History from the Perspective of CPC History and Party Building Disciplines

Academy News

How the discipline of CPC Party History and Party Building establishes a big picture view of history and a correct view of Party history in the New Era is a matter concerning the fundamental direction of the discipline, as well as the adherence to historical materialism across its disciplinary, academic, and discourse systems. This article explores and discusses how to adhere to the historical materialist view of history, how to establish a big picture view of history, and how to maintain a correct view of Party history. It examines how to grasp and understand the basic principles and methods of historical materialism, what constitutes a big picture view of history and how to apply it, and what constitutes a correct view of Party history and how to apply it. In promoting the innovative development of the first-level discipline [1] of CPC Party History and Party Building in the New Era, we must take General Secretary Xi Jinping’s important expositions on firmly establishing a big picture view of history and a correct view of Party history as our backbone and "guiding star" (定盘星). Only by doing so can we elevate our understanding of the laws governing the century-long history of the Chinese Communist Party to a new level and height.

In the New Era, the discipline of CPC Party History and Party Building has entered another period of opportunity for prosperous development after a long period of evolution. A significant sign of this is that, following the grand celebration of the 100th anniversary of the founding of the CPC and the Central Committee’s adoption of the third historical resolution [2], CPC Party History and Party Building was designated as a first-level discipline. The previous period of vigorous development for this discipline occurred after the Third Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee. At that time, to meet the needs of the Party and the state in comprehensively setting things right (拨乱反正) [3] and initiating reform and opening up, the Central Committee adopted the second historical resolution [4]. This strongly promoted the development of the discipline and played an important role in clarifying thinking, unifying understanding, providing governance references, and educating the people. As the New Era brings new opportunities for the discipline, the questions of what kind of first-level discipline of CPC Party History and Party Building should be constructed and how to build it have become academic topics of widespread concern and heated discussion in the field. The development of the discipline in the New Era involves all aspects of constructing disciplinary, academic, and discourse systems. The most fundamental issue remains which view of history and Party history to uphold, and how to persist in a big picture view of history and a correct view of Party history. This article intends to discuss this issue.

I. Construction of the Discipline of CPC Party History and Party Building in the New Era Must Adhere to the Historical Materialist View of History

History is the objective process of the occurrence and development of humanity and nature. Historiography is the record of this objective process by people at different stages of development, and the study and summarization of the contradictory movements and laws within this objective process. History is objective and follows specific laws, yet the study of it involves different stances, viewpoints, and methods. These basic stances, viewpoints, and methods for studying history constitute what we call a "view of history" (历史观). The specific basic stance, viewpoint, and method one adopts determines the resulting view of history. The view of history is the core content of historiography and plays a dominant role in different historical research endeavors across different historical periods.

Before the birth of Marxist historical materialism, various views of history existed, yet none could scientifically reveal the historical phenomena of human society. History was explained either as lawless movement, or as the movement of some form of reason or even "Absolute Reason," or as the manifestation of God’s will. The birth of historical materialism was a magnificent sunrise in the history of human self-understanding. It not only revealed the basic laws of social and historical development of humanity to date but also provided the basic stance, viewpoints, and methods for our continued exploration of the laws of social development.

Engels evaluated Marx’s outstanding contribution to the founding of historical materialism as follows: "Just as Darwin discovered the law of development of organic nature, so Marx discovered the law of development of human history: the simple fact, hitherto concealed by an overgrowth of ideology, that mankind must first of all eat, drink, have shelter and clothing, before it can pursue politics, science, art, religion, etc.; that therefore the production of the immediate material means, and consequently the degree of economic development attained by a given people or during a given epoch, form the foundation upon which the state institutions, the legal conceptions, art, and even the ideas on religion, of the people concerned have been evolved, and in the light of which they must, therefore, be explained, instead of vice versa, as had hitherto been the case."

Lenin evaluated the creation of historical materialism thus: "Marx’s historical materialism was one of the greatest achievements in scientific thought. The chaos and arbitrariness that had previously reigned in views on history and politics were replaced by a strikingly integral and harmonious scientific theory, which shows how, in consequence of the growth of productive forces, out of one system of social life another and higher system develops—how capitalism, for instance, grows out of feudalism." "Just as man’s knowledge reflects nature (i.e., developing matter), which exists independently of him, so man’s social knowledge (i.e., his various views and doctrines—philosophical, religious, political and so forth) reflects the economic system of society. Political institutions are a superstructure on the economic foundation. We see, for example, that the various political forms of the modern European states serve to strengthen the domination of the bourgeoisie over the proletariat."

In our historical research (including the study of CPC history), implementing the historical materialist view of history means, ultimately, implementing the basic stances, viewpoints, and methods permeated throughout historical materialism. Specifically, what do these basic stances, viewpoints, and methods include?

(1) The Method of Analyzing Basic Social Structure The analysis of basic social structure is the most fundamental method of historical materialism. It requires us to analyze the basic structure of every society from the perspective of the decisive role and counter-action of the productive forces on the relations of production, and the economic base on the superstructure, thereby revealing the basic driving forces of socio-historical development. Historical materialism holds that material productive forces are the material prerequisite for all social life, and the sum of the relations of production corresponding to a certain stage of development of the productive forces constitutes the social economic base. Productive forces are the most active and revolutionary element in promoting social progress. The sum total of the productive forces achieved by people determines the social state, and the development of productive forces is the fundamental criterion for measuring social development. The interaction and mutual constraint between productive forces and relations of production, and between the economic base and the superstructure, govern the entire process of social development. Although material production is the basis of social life, the superstructure can also exert a counter-action on the economic base. The relationship between productive forces and relations of production, and between the economic base and the superstructure, is extremely complex, involving a real process of action and counter-action, rather than a simple, single-track logic of being determined and determining.

(2) The Method of Analyzing Basic Social Contradictions To deeply analyze the basic laws of motion of the social structure, one must apply the method of analyzing basic social contradictions. This is because the basic motion of the social structure is determined by the movement of basic social contradictions. The basic social contradictions are the contradiction between the relations of production and the productive forces, and the contradiction between the superstructure and the economic base. The basic law of the movement of social contradictions is that relations of production must suit the state of the productive forces, and the superstructure must suit the state of the economic base; their combined interaction constitutes the contradictory movement of society as a whole. Only by observing the contradictory movement of the productive forces and relations of production in conjunction with the contradictory movement of the economic base and the superstructure—observing these basic social contradictions as a whole—can we comprehensively grasp the basic features and direction of development of society.

(3) The Method of Analyzing Social Formations The movement of the social structure and its basic contradictions exhibits a unity of diversity and identity under various influences. Regarding identity, historical materialism reveals the general law that the contradictory movement between productive forces and relations of production, and between the economic base and the superstructure, pushes social formations from lower to higher levels. Its assertions regarding the development of human social formations are the most effective theories to date for explaining the structure and development mechanisms of human society. The development of human society from low to high can be roughly divided into five social formations: primitive society, slave society, feudal society, capitalist society, and communist society (the first stage of which is socialist society). This general law of transition from lower to higher stages exhibits diversity in its manifestations across different countries, nations, and stages of development due to variations in socio-historical and natural conditions.

(4) The Method of Analyzing Social Dynamics Historical materialism attaches great importance to analyzing the driving forces that push human social formations from lower to higher levels. Unquestionably, within the social structure and social contradictions, productive forces are the most active and revolutionary factor promoting social progress and the fundamental driver of the evolution of social formations. There are multiple paths to liberating and developing the productive forces, the most important being revolution and reform. "Revolution is the liberation of productive forces; reform is also the liberation of productive forces." What is social revolution? Marx pointed out: "At a certain stage of development, the material productive forces of society come into conflict with the existing relations of production or—this merely expresses the same thing in legal terms—with the property relations within the framework of which they have operated hitherto. From forms of development of the productive forces these relations turn into their fetters. Then begins an era of social revolution." What is reform? Deng Xiaoping noted: "After the basic socialist system is established, it is still necessary to fundamentally change the economic structure that constrains the development of the productive forces and establish a socialist economic structure full of vigor and vitality to promote the development of the productive forces. This is reform; therefore, reform is also the liberation of productive forces." Since the world entered the modern era, the industrial and technological revolutions triggered by scientific progress have powerfully promoted the rapid development of social productive forces and pushed for tremendous changes in the relations of production, the economic base, and the superstructure, leading to a profound realization that science and technology are the primary productive forces. Furthermore, it must be recognized that among the elements of productive forces, human beings as laborers (including both physical and mental laborers) are the most positive, active, and creative factor. All these dynamics—including revolution, reform, science and technology, and humans as laborers—operate around and are based upon the development of social productive forces.

(5) The Method of Class Analysis After humanity entered class society, different people were divided into different classes, leading to class contradictions, class oppression, and class struggle. Lenin provided a scientific definition of class: "Classes are large groups of people differing from each other by the place they occupy in a historically determined system of social production, by their relation (in most cases fixed and formulated in law) to the means of production, by their role in the social organization of labor, and, consequently, by the dimensions of the share of social wealth of which they dispose and the mode of acquiring it. Classes are groups of people one of which can appropriate the labor of another owing to the different places they occupy in a definite system of social economy." Using the method of class analysis to examine social phenomena in a class society helps us see through appearances to the essence in historical research. It also helps us recognize that all class struggle ultimately revolves around economic interests—the core issue determining social status. Class struggle is the direct driving force for the development of class societies, and its ultimate expression is the political struggle for political rule. Previous class struggles aimed to seize supreme political power; only after the victory of the proletarian revolution is the aim the liberation and development of social productive forces. Marx and Engels pointed out: "The proletariat will use its political supremacy to wrest, by degree, all capital from the bourgeoisie, to centralize all instruments of production in the hands of the State, i.e., of the proletariat organized as the ruling class; and to increase the total productive forces as rapidly as possible." At the starting point of highly developed material and spiritual civilizations, the communist ideal of abolishing classes and achieving human Great Harmony (大同) [5] will be realized. Since the emergence, existence, and development of classes are linked to the process of economic development, when we use the class analysis method to analyze socio-historical phenomena and movements, we must be mindful of its scope. We cannot turn a blind eye to objectively existing class struggle, but we must also prevent misidentifying social contradictions that do not belong to the category of class struggle as such.

(6) The Theory of the People as the Subject

How one understands the role of the masses in history is a major question of the social outlook on history. In opposition to the historical idealist "heroic conception of history," the historical materialist "people's conception of history" thoroughly resolved this major question for the first time. It clearly posited that the people are the creators of history, inscribing the word "People" in capital letters upon its theoretical banner. The development of human society is the historical process of advanced productive forces continuously replacing backward productive forces; it is also the historical process in which humans, as the most decisive force within the productive forces, continuously break the shackles placed upon advanced productive forces and relations of production. History has repeatedly proven that at major turning points of historical development and progress, the interests of the vast majority are the most urgent and decisive factor. It is for this reason that Marx and Engels pointed out in The Holy Family: "Historical activity is the activity of the masses, and with the thoroughness of the historical activity, the size of the mass whose activity it is will therefore increase." Marx also noted: "The weapon of criticism cannot, of course, replace criticism of the weapon, material force must be overthrown by material force; but theory also becomes a material force as soon as it has gripped the masses." "As philosophy finds its material weapon in the proletariat, so the proletariat finds its spiritual weapon in philosophy." It can be said that historical materialism and dialectical materialism are both theories of proletarian liberation and theories of the people's liberation.

(7) The Theory of the Resultant Force of Social Movement This is a scientific analytical method used by historical materialism when analyzing the actual results produced by the movements and conflicts of social contradictions among classes and strata with different—or even fundamentally opposed—interests and demands. Engels provided a classic description of this: "History is made in such a way that the final result always arises from conflicts between many individual wills, of which each in turn has been made what it is by a host of particular conditions of life. Thus there are innumerable intersecting forces, an infinite series of parallelograms of forces which give rise to one resultant—the historical event. This may again itself be viewed as the product of a power which works as a whole unconsciously and without volition. For what each individual wills is obstructed by everyone else, and what emerges is something that no one willed. Thus history has proceeded hitherto in the manner of a natural process and is essentially subject to the same laws of motion. But from the fact that the wills of individuals—each of whom desires what he is impelled to by his physical constitution and external, in the last resort economic, circumstances (either his own personal circumstances or those of society in general)—do not attain what they want, but are merged into an aggregate mean, a common resultant, it must not be concluded that they are equal to zero. On the contrary, each contributes to the resultant and is to this degree included in it." It must be emphasized that the "resultant force" spoken of here is not one that fails to distinguish between primary and secondary contradictions. Therefore, when applying the theory of the resultant force of social movement, one must combine it with other historical materialist methods—such as the theory of the subjectivity of the people, the method of class analysis, and the analysis of social dynamics—and particularly apply it correctly under the guidance of the basic principles of historical materialism.

(8) The Theory of World History Marx and Engels were the first to propose that humanity is increasingly moving out of respective states of isolation and that its own history is increasingly becoming "world history"; they used historical materialism to interpret this major trend of world historical development. In The German Ideology, Marx and Engels pointed out: "With this [the development of the productive forces—Author’s Note], then, world-historical, empirically universal individuals are substituted for local ones." "The separate individuals form the more the separate spheres, which interact on one another, expand in the course of this development, the more the original isolation of the separate nationalities is destroyed by the developed mode of production and intercourse and the division of labour between various nations naturally brought about by these, the more history becomes world history." "From this it follows that this transformation of history into world history is not indeed a mere abstract act on the part of the 'self-consciousness,' the world spirit, or of any other metaphysical spectre, but a quite material, empirically verifiable act, an act the proof of which every individual furnishes as he comes and goes, eats, drinks and clothes himself." It should be added that Marx and Engels' scientific foresight regarding communism was also built to a large extent upon an appraisal of the general trend of world history. They noted: "The proletariat can thus only exist world-historically, just as communism, its activity, can only have a 'world-historical' existence." "It is just as empirically established that, by the overthrow of the existing state of society by the communist revolution (of which more below) and the abolition of private property which is identical with it... the single individuals will be liberated from the particular national and local limitations, will be brought into practical connection with the material and intellectual production of the whole world and be put in a position to acquire the capacity to enjoy this all-sided production of the whole earth (the creations of man). All-round dependence, this natural form of the world-historical co-operation of individuals, will be transformed by this communist revolution into the control and conscious mastery of these powers, which, born of the action of men on one another, have till now overawed and governed men as powers completely alien to them."

Above, we have listed several basic methods of historical materialism for researching and analyzing human socio-historical phenomena and movements. These scientific methods are not only extremely useful for historical research in general but are equally useful for research into the history of the CPC. Furthermore, the basic principles and methods of historical materialism provide a powerful theoretical and methodological support for upholding a Big History Perspective and a Correct Party History View in the development of CPC History and Party Building as a discipline in the New Era.

II. The Development of CPC History and Party Building as a Discipline in the New Era Requires Upholding a Big History Perspective

Upholding a Big History Perspective is a requirement General Secretary Xi Jinping has placed on CPC history research in the New Era. He pointed out: "Uphold a Big History Perspective; analyze the mechanisms of evolution and explore historical laws from the long river of history, the tides of the times, and the winds of global change; propose corresponding strategies and tactics; and enhance the systematic, foresighted, and creative nature of our work." This requirement applies equally to the study of Chinese history and world history.

Historical development, historical shifts, historical events, and historical figures all occur or play their roles under specific conditions of time and space; in this sense, without time and space, there is no history. Therefore, to uphold a Big History Perspective, one must first establish a scientific view of time and space. A scientific view of time and space is a research philosophy that examines the development of human socio-history from a perspective that connects the ancient and the modern, China and the world. It can be applied to historical research, contemporary research, and research into the future.

This scientific view of time and space has its own complete coordinate system. The horizontal axis of this coordinate system is the timeline of human socio-historical development—from the origins of humanity to the entry into recorded history, and through the ancient, modern, and contemporary history of human society. This is the historical portion of the timeline, belonging to the past tense. If one were to speak according to a general historical view of time and space, the research mission would be completed once it reached contemporary history along the axis of human origins. But for the Big History Perspective, this is far from enough. We must also "use history to illuminate reality and look far into the future." When applied to research on the history of the CPC, this requires that we "see clearly why we were able to succeed in the past and understand how we can continue to succeed in the future from the CPC’s century of struggle, thereby more firmly and consciously keeping our original aspiration and founding mission in mind and creating a bright future on the new journey." Thus, it can be said that this scientific view of time and space is one that bridges history, reality, and the future on its timeline. It embodies the essential requirements of the Big History Perspective and is both governed by and an important constituent part of it.

Turning next to the vertical axis of this scientific coordinate system—the spatial axis of human socio-historical development—it reflects the relationship between one's own country and the world. The origins of humanity were originally linked by blood, initially forming various primitive tribes. As humanity entered class society and ethnic/national divisions gradually took shape, states emerged, and different people belonged to different states due to differing geography and lineage. This is how history developed, and the same is true for historians. To a large extent, their research into history reflects class positions and national (ethnic) positions. At the same time, although the historical development of various countries differs, it is always governed by the common laws of human historical development. Moreover, since the dawn of the modern era, with the development of social productive forces, scientific and technological progress, the development of culture and education, and the enhancement of human transportation and communication capacities, the historical development of various countries has become increasingly integrated into world history. Today, a world-historical pattern has formed where "you are in me and I am in you" [6], a state of mutual interdependence between nations and between each nation and the world. Under these circumstances, historical research needs to break through the narrow horizons and small-scale frameworks of the past. It particularly needs to break through the various forms of racial exceptionalism or superiority formed within such horizons and frameworks, and instead establish a view of time and space that connects one’s own nation with the world, as required by the Big History Perspective. Of course, this scientific view of time and space does not reject historical research based on a national standpoint. On the contrary, adhering to Chinese traditions and Chinese characteristics, and staying firm in a Chinese standpoint and Chinese expression, are the very prerequisites for Chinese historiography to go global. Promoting a patriotism characterized by a broad mind and a sense of mission is also a glorious tradition of Chinese historiography. Particularly for CPC history research, one must not only have a clear Chinese standpoint but also fully demonstrate the "Chinese Position and Global Ambition" [7]: that the CPC's century of struggle has fundamentally changed the future and destiny of the Chinese people, opened the correct path for achieving the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, demonstrated the powerful vitality of Marxism, and profoundly influenced the course of world history. From the general trend and requirements of the development of world civilizations, emphasizing the commonality of human historical development is predicated on fully respecting the diversity of various countries' development. "Civilizations flourish through exchange and mutual learning based on diversity." For each to cherish their own beauty, to appreciate the beauty of others, and to share that beauty together—this is true cosmopolitanism in historical research.

By examining the coordinate system of this scientific view of time and space as a whole, one finds that not only is the timeline continuous, but the spatial axis is as well. This spatial axis does not merely stop at a single point where it intersects with the timeline; rather, as a cross-section connecting world history and national history, it unfolds at any point in the history of human social development from antiquity to the present. Contemporary archaeology also confirms this: as early as prehistoric times, the breadth and frequency of interaction among humans exceeded our imagination. Therefore, connecting history, the present, and the future, and bridging one's own country and the world, is both a requirement for establishing a Big History Perspective and an internal requirement for the deepening and expansion of the discipline of history.

Establishing a scientific perspective on time and space is by no means an unfounded occurrence, nor is it a product of subjective imagination; rather, it possesses a profound tradition in fine Chinese historiography. In his "Letter to Ren An" (Bao Ren'an Shu [8]), the famous Western Han dynasty historian Sima Qian proposed his historiographical philosophy as "investigating the boundaries between heaven and man, comprehending the transformations of the past and present, and establishing a school of thought of one's own." The Records of the Grand Historian (Shiji), which ranks first among the Twenty-Four Histories, was written by adhering to this historiographical thought. Of course, the grand aspiration of "investigating the boundaries between heaven and man and comprehending the transformations of the past and present" could only be truly realized after the advent of historical materialism.

In the process of advancing the Sinicization of Marxism, Mao Zedong proposed: "Today’s China is a development of the China of history; as Marxist historicists, we must not sever history. From Confucius to Sun Yat-sen, we should summarize and inherit this precious legacy." Subsequently, while guiding the Central Study Group in studying Party history during the Yan'an Rectification Movement [9], Mao Zedong further proposed the "ancient-modern, Chinese-foreign method" in his speech "How to Study the History of the Communist Party of China." He believed that this method "is to clarify the specific time and space in which the problem under study occurred, and to treat the problem as a historical process under specific historical conditions. What is called 'ancient and modern' is historical development; what is called 'Chinese and foreign' is China and foreign countries—our side and the other side." He emphasized: "In studying the history of the CPC, we should take China as the center and plant our backsides firmly on Chinese soil [10]. We must also study world capitalism and socialism, but we must clarify their relationship to the study of the history of the CPC." The "ancient-modern, Chinese-foreign method" proposed by Mao Zedong is the inheritance and development of Sima Qian's "investigating the boundaries between heaven and man and comprehending the transformations of the past and present," re-establishing it upon the foundation of historical materialism.

Above, we have focused on the role and significance of establishing a scientific perspective on time and space for fostering a Big Picture View of History. It must be further pointed out that fostering a Big Picture View of History also requires resolving the following important issues.

First, one must study problems using the perspective of long-term historical cycles. Conducting reflection and research through the comparative analysis of long historical cycles is a basic requirement for fostering a Big Picture View of History. This requires placing a major historical event or developmental stage within the long river of history to recognize and grasp it; only then can one accurately grasp its evolutionary mechanism, basic laws, major impact, status, and role, thereby avoiding "blind men feeling an elephant" [11], "having one's view obscured by a single leaf" [12], or "having the eyesight of a mouse" [13]. For example, to deeply understand the major historical significance and basic laws of the Third Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee and the Third Plenary Session of the 18th CPC Central Committee, we must examine these two "Third Plenums" within the contexts of the 40-plus years of the history of reform and opening up and the 70-plus years of the history of New China, rather than merely examining the brief period of history surrounding them.

From this, we can deeply recognize that after the Third Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee, the CPC scientifically summarized the basic experience and laws of socialist construction at home and abroad, promoted the great practice of reform and opening up, creatively proposed the theory of the primary stage of socialism, and formed the Party's basic line for that stage. For the first time in human history, it took the establishment and improvement of a socialist market economy as the goal of economic structural reform, marking a key step in upholding and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics. The Third Plenary Session of the 18th CPC Central Committee further systemically summarized the successful experience of reform and opening up, proposed letting the market play a decisive role in resource allocation while better exerting the role of the government, and achieved another instance of advancing with the times and innovative development in the theory of the socialist market economy. It also clarified the overall goal of comprehensively deepening reform as upholding and improving the system of socialism with Chinese characteristics and promoting the modernization of China’s system and capacity for governance, bringing reform and opening up into a new stage of comprehensively deepening reform.

As General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: "In the course of 40-plus years of reform and opening up, the Third Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee was epoch-making, opening a new historical period of reform, opening up, and socialist modernization; the Third Plenary Session of the 18th CPC Central Committee was also epoch-making, opening a New Era of comprehensively deepening reform and promoting reform through systemic and holistic design, creating a new situation for our country's reform and opening up." Furthermore, when expounding on the profound historical implications of reform and opening up, General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: "Viewed from a Big Picture View of History spanning several millennia, transformation and opening up are generally the historical norm for China. The Chinese nation continues to move toward the future with a posture of reform and opening up, possessing deep historical origins and a profound cultural foundation."

Second, one must study problems based on historical positioning. Identifying the historical position one occupies based on the stage of social development and the principal social contradiction [14], as well as changes in the Party's conditions, the national conditions, and the world situation, is a successful experience of the CPC and an important criterion for fostering a Big Picture View of History. We say that studying historical events and figures requires examining them within specific socio-historical conditions and environments; in the final analysis, this means making objective, historical judgments based on the historical positioning of the time. For example, to understand the formation of the second United Front between the Kuomintang and the CPC and the National United Front Against Japanese Aggression, we must clearly understand the historical position of the Chinese nation at that time. We must understand the CPC's scientific judgment of that historical position based on the characteristic that the contradiction between the Chinese and Japanese nations had ascended to become the principal domestic contradiction. Only then can we deeply understand and analyze the series of major strategic and tactical adjustments and decisions made by the CPC Central Committee after the Zunyi Meeting [15] and the Wayaobu Meeting, as well as the major changes in domestic class relations caused thereby. Only then can we deeply recognize that the political line of the CPC Central Committee, represented by Comrade Mao Zedong during this period, was correct, and understand the shift in the Comintern's attitude toward the CPC.

Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, the scientific judgments made by General Secretary Xi Jinping regarding the New Era and the new stage are likewise the result of a scientific assessment of the historical position of the Party and the state. The report to the 19th National Congress of the CPC clearly stated: "Socialism with Chinese characteristics has entered a New Era, which means that the Chinese nation, which since modern times began had endured so much suffering, has stood up, grown rich, and is becoming strong—it now embraces the brilliant prospects of rejuvenation." This scientific conclusion on historical positioning was precisely made based on the changes in the principal social contradiction in our country in the New Era. When blueprinting the "14th Five-Year Plan," General Secretary Xi Jinping profoundly summarized the historical experience of China's modernization. He closely integrated the CPC's century of exploration and struggle with the great journey of achieving modernization and the extraordinary journey of realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. He proposed the major judgment that our country has entered a new stage of development and scientifically analyzed the historical, theoretical, and realistic basis for this conclusion. These scientific analyses and conclusions regarding the major changes in the stage of social development, the principal social contradiction, and the historical position of the Party and the state appear to address the present on the surface. In essence, however, they connect the history and reality of the CPC through the evolution of these factors, granting us a sense of depth, weight, and clarity in studying problems from the perspective of long historical cycles.

Third, one must study problems by grasping important historical nodes. Historical development is a unity of continuity and stages. In the long river of history, there are times of surging waves and times of trickling streams; many important historical landmarks and turning points are always formed. Around these historical nodes, historical development presents stage-like changes. Examples include the 5,000-plus years of the development of Chinese civilization, the 500-plus years of the development of world socialism, the 180-plus years since the start of modern times [16], the 100 years of the Communist Party of China, the 70-plus years since the founding of the People's Republic of China, and the 40-plus years of reform and opening up. From the methodology of the Big Picture View of History, it is necessary to study these historical nodes within the long river of history, and even more necessary to place major practices, inventions, creations, and changes in human history upon these various nodes. Only then can we more profoundly and comprehensively reveal the historical logic, practical logic, and theoretical logic running through them, and better reveal the historical necessity hidden behind these historical nodes.

For example, when discussing the historical origins and historical necessity of socialism with Chinese characteristics, General Secretary Xi Jinping systemically reviewed the 500-year history of world socialism and the 5,000-plus-year history of Chinese civilization, emphasizing: "This path has not been easily won. It was charted through the great practice of reform and opening up over the past 30-plus years, developed through continuous exploration during the 60-plus years since the founding of the People's Republic of China, emerged from a profound summary of the Chinese nation's development over the 170-plus years since the beginning of modern times, and resulted from the inheritance of the Chinese nation’s 5,000-plus years of ancient civilization. It possesses deep historical origins and a broad realistic foundation." Similarly, when expounding on the great significance and far-reaching influence of the May Fourth Movement [17], General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: "We must adhere to a Big Picture View of History and recognize and grasp the May Fourth Movement within the 5,000-plus-year history of Chinese civilization, the 170-plus-year history of the Chinese people's struggle since modern times began, and the 90-plus-year history of the CPC's struggle. We must conduct research from the height of combining historical, practical, and theoretical logic, and across the fields of political, ideological, cultural, and social history since the May Fourth Movement. We must summarize historical laws, reveal historical trends, and clearly explain why the May Fourth Movement has such a major and far-reaching impact on contemporary China's development and progress; why Marxism was able to become the guiding ideology for the cause of Chinese revolution, construction, and reform; why the CPC was able to shoulder the historical responsibility of leading the people to achieve national independence, people's liberation, national prosperity, and people's happiness; and why socialism was able to take root, improve, and develop in China. We must guide people to take history as a mirror and a teacher, and to strengthen their confidence in the path, theory, system, and culture of socialism with Chinese characteristics."

Fourth, one must grasp the internal connections between history, reality, and the future. As mentioned earlier, connecting history, reality, and the future is a basic requirement of the Big Picture View of History. "Using history to reflect on reality and look to the future" is also a disciplinary advantage in giving full play to the role of CPC history research as a textbook and a source of nutrients. In this regard, General Secretary Xi Jinping has set an example for us. For instance, when expounding on the Chinese Dream of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, General Secretary Xi Jinping reviewed the history since 1840, pointing out: "The yesterday of the Chinese nation can be described by the line 'the strong pass is like a wall of iron' [18]. In the modern era, the gravity of the suffering endured by the Chinese nation and the magnitude of the sacrifices made are rare in world history. However, the Chinese people never yielded; they rose up in constant struggle, finally taking their destiny into their own hands and beginning the great process of building their own country, fully demonstrating the great national spirit centered on patriotism. The today of the Chinese nation can be described by the line 'the right path in the world is that of change' [19]. Since the start of reform and opening up, we have summarized historical experience, conducted constant and arduous exploration, and finally found the correct path to achieve the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, achieving results that have attracted worldwide attention. This path is socialism with Chinese characteristics. The tomorrow of the Chinese nation can be described by the line 'the time will come to ride the wind and break the waves' [20]. After more than 170 years of continuous struggle since the Opium War, the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation shows bright prospects. Now, we are closer to the goal of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation than at any period in history, and we have more confidence and capability to achieve this goal than at any period in history."

The important role of historical thinking is to use history as a mirror for the present. General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasizes placing the major theoretical and practical problems encountered in promoting reform, stability, and development in the New Era—as well as those encountered in upholding and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics and in governing the Party, the military, and the country—within long-term historical cycles. By examining them with a Big Picture View of History that connects the historical, the contemporary, and the future, we can more profoundly understand where we came from, where we are now, and where we are going, thereby grasping the general trend and direction of development. "Only within the long river of entire human development can one perceive the essence of historical movement and the direction of the era's development." It is precisely this kind of wide-spanning, broad-visioned, and large-scale observation and summarization that embodies the unique character of the Big Picture View of History consistently advocated by General Secretary Xi Jinping.

III. The Construction of CPC History and Party Building as a Discipline in the New Era Must Adhere to a Correct View of Party History

The theoretical cornerstone of a Correct View of Party History is historical materialism. The greatness, glory, and correctness of the Communist Party of China do not lie in never making mistakes, but in the ability to adhere to the truth and correct mistakes at any time for the sake of the people's interests, and in being adept at correctly summarizing experience from its own successes and failures, thereby constantly opening up a path from victory to new victory. Therefore, the construction of CPC History and Party Building as a discipline in the New Era must prioritize adhering to a Correct View of Party History, flagrantly opposing historical nihilism [21], strengthening ideological guidance and theoretical discernment, clarifying fuzzy understandings and one-sided interpretations of major historical issues in Party history, and better clearing the source of the stream [22].

Specifically, how should we consistently persist in a correct view of Party history in the construction of the discipline of CPC History and Party Building in the New Era, and particularly in the study of CPC history?

First, we must persist in the principle of the high degree of unity between Party spirit and people-centeredness. This is the fundamental stance and starting point for maintaining a correct view of Party history. We must rely on the three historical resolutions [23] of the CPC and the relevant spirit of the Party Central Committee as our basis to accurately grasp the theme, main thread, mainstream, and essence of the Party's historical development. We must correctly understand and scientifically evaluate the major events, important meetings, and key figures in the Party’s history; treat the mistakes and setbacks experienced by the Party on its forward path correctly; absorb experience from successes and lessons from mistakes; and continuously blaze a trail toward victory. We must look at major issues in Party history by seeking truth from facts; we can neither avoid mistakes and setbacks because of achievements, nor negate achievements because of mistakes and setbacks encountered during exploration. These basic requirements are the concentrated expression of persisting in the high degree of unity between Party spirit and people-centeredness in the study of CPC history.

Second, we must firmly grasp the theme, main thread, mainstream, and essence of the Party’s history. Regarding the theme of the CPC’s century-long struggle, General Secretary Xi Jinping has pointed out: "From the moment of its birth, the Communist Party of China established its original aspiration and founding mission to seek happiness for the Chinese people and rejuvenation for the Chinese nation. All the struggle, sacrifice, and creation undertaken by the CPC in uniting and leading the Chinese people over the past hundred years can be summarized into one theme: realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation." This scientific summation of the theme and main thread of CPC history closely integrates and organically unifies the history of the CPC with the history of New China, the history of reform and opening up, the history of the development of socialism, and the history of the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. This not only greatly enriches and expands the historical connotation and perspective of the CPC but is also a major innovation in applying a big picture view of history to these "four histories" and the history of national rejuvenation. This hermeneutic and methodological innovation paves a new path and raises us to a new realm for profoundly understanding the scientific connotation of socialism with Chinese characters and strengthening confidence in our path, theory, system, and culture. Regarding the mainstream and essence of the CPC’s century-long struggle, General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: "The hundred years of our Party have been a hundred years of steadfastly fulfilling our original aspiration and founding mission, a hundred years of arduous pioneering [24] to lay the foundations of our undertaking, and a hundred years of creating brilliance and opening up the future. In a century of continuous struggle, the Party has united and led the people in opening a great path, establishing great merits, forging a great spirit, and accumulating precious experience, creating miracles in the history of the development of the Chinese nation and the history of human social progress that have caught the world’s attention."

Third, we must attach great importance to the issue of periodization in Party history. The periodization of the Party’s history has never been a minor issue, nor is it a purely academic one; it is a major issue concerning what kind of view of Party history is used to regard the entirety of the Party’s history. The Party’s third historical resolution made a solemn, scientific, and historical periodization of the CPC’s century-long struggle, unfolding the Party’s hundred-year history into four periods closely centered on the theme of realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. This periodization is permeated by an objective standard: the degree to which the theme of realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation has been achieved. The first period is the New Democratic Revolution, which, through "bloody battle and indomitable struggle," created the fundamental social conditions for realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. The second period is the period of socialist revolution and construction, which, through "self-reliance and striving for strength," laid the fundamental political prerequisites and institutional foundations for realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. The third period is the new period of reform, opening up, and socialist modernization, which, through "emancipating the mind and forging ahead with determination," provided the institutional guarantee full of new vitality and the material conditions for rapid development to realize the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. The fourth period is the New Era of socialism with Chinese characteristics, which, through "self-confidence, self-improvement, upholding the fundamentals and breaking new ground," has provided a more complete institutional guarantee, a more solid material foundation, and a more proactive spiritual force for realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. The Chinese nation has ushered in a great leap from standing up and becoming prosperous to becoming strong, and the realization of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation has entered an irreversible historical process.

Fourth, we must firmly grasp the research priorities of CPC history. The discipline of CPC History and Party Building was born because of the Party and flourishes because of the Party. Looking at the history of the discipline, its research focus has shifted continuously and advanced with the times, but one thing remains unchanged: the research focuses always revolve around the Party’s central work and the overall situation of the whole Party, serving these through the principle of "using history as a mirror and providing governance with historical reference" [25] to educate people. In his speech explaining the third historical resolution, General Secretary Xi Jinping, proceeding from the Party’s central work and the overall situation of the whole Party, clarified the key research tasks for the CPC’s century of struggle. He proposed the "six in-depth studies": first, in-depth study of the hundred-year journey of the Party leading the people in revolution, construction, and reform, comprehensively summarizing the great historical process of the Party moving from victory to victory and the great historical merits established for the country and the nation; second, in-depth study of the hundred-year journey of the Party persisting in combining the basic principles of Marxism with China’s specific reality and with fine traditional Chinese culture, continuously promoting the Sinicization of Marxism and deepening the understanding and mastery of the Party's innovative theories in the New Era; third, in-depth study of the hundred-year journey of the Party continuously maintaining Party unity and the authority and centralized, unified leadership of the Party Central Committee, profoundly grasping that strengthening the Party’s political construction is a distinctive feature and political advantage of a Marxist party; fourth, in-depth study of the hundred-year journey of the Party seeking happiness for the Chinese people and rejuvenation for the Chinese nation, profoundly recognizing the flesh-and-blood bond of shared destiny between the Party and the people, so as to better seek happiness for the people and rely on the people to create great historical undertakings; fifth, in-depth study of the hundred-year journey of the Party strengthening its own construction and promoting self-revolution, enhancing the resolve and persistence that comprehensively and strictly governing the Party is "always on the road," ensuring the Party always remains a strong leadership core in the historical process of persisting in and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics in the New Era; sixth, in-depth study of the laws and general trends of historical development, always mastering the historical initiative for the development of the Party and state's cause on the new journey of the New Era, and strengthening the courage and power to anchor the established goals and move toward the future with high spirits.

Fifth, we must correctly understand and evaluate the two historical periods before and after reform and opening up. For a long time, this issue has been an ideological obstacle troubling people's understanding and evaluation of the history of New China, either by severing the two periods or by setting them against each other; either using the later period to negate the earlier one, or using the earlier period to negate the later one. Clearly, to establish a correct view of Party history, one must provide a clear and scientific answer to this question. General Secretary Xi Jinping's relevant discourses have played an extremely important role in "clearing the source" [26] for the study of this issue. He pointed out: "In essence, both periods are practical explorations by our Party in leading the people in socialist construction. Socialism with Chinese characteristics was initiated in the new historical period of reform and opening up, but it was also initiated on the basis that New China had already established the basic socialist system and conducted construction for over 20 years." We must view this issue comprehensively, dialectically, and through its interconnections. First, if our Party had not decisively decided to implement reform and opening up in 1978, and unswervingly promoted it while grasping its correct direction, socialist China could not have the excellent situation it has today; it might have faced a serious crisis, even a crisis of the Party and the state collapsing like those in the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries. Simultaneously, if New China had not been established in 1949 and carried out socialist revolution and construction, accumulating important ideological, material, and institutional conditions as well as both positive and negative experiences, reform and opening up would have been difficult to advance smoothly. Second, although these two historical periods have great differences in ideological guidance, principles, policies, and practical work for socialist construction, they are by no means severed from each other, let alone fundamentally opposed. Many correct propositions put forward by our Party in its practice of socialist construction that were not truly implemented at the time were thoroughly carried out after reform and opening up, and will continue to be persisted in and developed in the future. Third, the historical period before reform and opening up must be correctly evaluated; one cannot use the period after reform and opening up to negate the period before, nor vice versa. The socialist practical exploration before reform and opening up accumulated conditions for the exploration after it, and the exploration after reform and opening up is the persistence, reform, and development of the previous period.

Sixth, we must correctly evaluate historical events, historical figures, and historical periods. The evaluation of these is a major issue in CPC history. Whether we can seek truth from facts and provide fair evaluations that can withstand the test of history in a highly responsible manner concerns the unity, prosperity, and development of the Party. No cause in the world is smooth sailing. Looking at world history, the development of any country or nation will have ups and downs and even be full of twists and turns. The greater the cause, the more it is filled with difficulties and obstacles, and the more it requires pioneering and innovation. Building socialism under social and historical conditions like China’s has no precedent; it is like climbing a high mountain where no human has tread—all climbers must hack through brambles and thorns to open up a path. Especially regarding the evaluation of historical figures, they should be analyzed within the historical conditions of their era and society. We cannot depart from a comprehensive understanding of historical conditions and processes or a scientific grasp of historical laws, nor can we ignore the relationship between historical necessity and historical contingency. We cannot simply attribute successes in historical prosperity to individuals, nor simply blame setbacks in historical adversity on individuals. We cannot measure and demand of our predecessors the conditions, development level, and cognitive level of today’s era, nor can we demand that they achieve results that only later generations could achieve. To maintain a correct view of Party history in evaluating events, figures, and periods, we must persist in the unity of Party spirit and scientific rigor, and adhere to the principle of seeking truth from facts, never mixing in any subjective prejudice or randomness. First, one cannot negate merits because of mistakes; second, one must conduct a scientific analysis of the reasons for mistakes; third, one must treat leading figures scientifically. As General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: "Revolutionary leaders are human beings, not gods. Although they possesses a high level of theory, rich experience in struggle, and outstanding leadership talent, this does not mean their understanding and actions are free from the limitations of their times. We cannot worship them as gods because they were great, refusing to allow their slips and mistakes to be pointed out and corrected; neither can we totally negate them because they made mistakes, erasing their historical merits and falling into the quagmire of nihilism."

Seventh, we must consciously resist historical nihilism. This is an inevitable requirement for persisting in a correct view of Party history in CPC historical research. Historical nihilism is an extremely harmful and erroneous trend of thought. Under the guise of so-called "re-evaluation," historical nihilism distorts the history of modern China's revolution, the Party's history, and the history of the People's Republic of China. Its main manifestations include negating the revolution—arguing that the anti-imperialist and anti-feudal revolution only played a destructive role while only bourgeois "Enlightenment" had constructive meaning; regarding China's choice of socialism since the May Fourth Movement as a "wrong turn" that left the so-called "mainstream of modern civilization" of "taking Britain and America as teachers"; claiming that an economically and culturally backward China was not qualified to build socialism and that what was built after the founding of New China was merely petty-bourgeois utopian socialism; and describing the Party's history as a series of continued errors. As the ancients said: "To destroy a nation, one must first remove its history." [27] The core of historical nihilism is an erroneous political trend of thought under the name of academic research, intended to fundamentally negate the guiding position of Marxism and the historical necessity of China's move toward socialism, as well as the leadership of the CPC and the system of socialism with Chinese characteristics. To firmly establish a correct view of Party history, we need to oppose historical nihilism with a clear banner, clarify blurred understandings and one-sided interpretations of major historical issues in the Party’s history, and better "clear the source and consolidate the foundation" [28].

In conclusion, General Secretary Xi Jinping’s important discourses on firmly establishing a big picture view of history and a correct view of Party history concentrate the CPC's consistent stance and attitude toward its own history. They reflect a profound understanding of the importance and necessity of learning and utilizing the Party’s history, raising the systematic understanding of the laws of the CPC's century-long history to a new level and height. This is the backbone and "ballast stone" for the innovative development of the first-level discipline [29] of CPC History and Party Building in the New Era, which must be profoundly understood and earnestly implemented.