Marxism Research Network
Unofficial English Translation

Luo Wendong: Xi Jinping's Adherence to and Development of Marxist Ideological Theory

Academy News

[Abstract] The classical writers of Marxism revealed the laws of ideological struggle and established a scientific ideological theory, providing a sharp intellectual weapon for the proletarian revolutionary movement and the practice of socialist construction. The Communist Party of China (CPC) has combined the basic tenets of Marxism with China’s specific realities and its fine traditional culture, continuously deepening and expanding its understanding of the laws of ideological struggle, and leading the people to great victories in revolution, construction, and reform. Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, Xi Jinping has made a series of important expositions on major issues—such as the connotation and essence, position and role, methods and means, and process and trends of ideological struggle—greatly enriching and developing Marxist ideological theory and opening up a new landscape for socialist ideological work. [Keywords] Xi Jinping; Marxism; ideological theory; ideological struggle; laws

Classical Marxist writers, based on the basic principles of dialectical materialism and historical materialism, have conducted scientific analysis and summarization of the essential laws of ideological struggle in human society from different levels. They established a scientific ideological theory, providing a sharp intellectual weapon for the proletarian revolutionary movement and the practice of socialist construction. The CPC has always taken seeking happiness for the people, rejuvenation for the nation, the Great Harmony for the world [1], and liberation for humanity as its purpose and mission. By combining the basic tenets of Marxism with China’s specific realities and its fine traditional culture, the Party has continuously deepened and expanded its understanding of the essential laws of ideological struggle, leading the people to great victories in revolution, construction, and reform. Particularly since the 18th National Congress, Xi Jinping has coordinated the overall strategy for the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation with the world’s profound changes unseen in a century. He has provided a series of important discourses on major issues such as the connotation and essence, position and role, methods and means, and process and trends of ideological struggle, opening up a new realm in the development of Marxist ideological theory.

I. On the Connotation and Essence of Ideological Struggle

Essential laws refer to the inherent, inevitable, and stable connections between internal elements of a thing, between it and other things, and within its developmental process. Marx wrote in Capital: "Even when a society has begun to track down the natural laws of its movement... it can neither overleap the natural phases of its evolution nor shuffle them out of the world by decrees." 1 Lenin pointed out in his Philosophical Notebooks: "Law is relation... relation of essences or between essences." 2 "Law is the identical in appearances." 2 From the perspective of connotation and essence, the core of ideological struggle in human society is the competition between different value systems; its essence is the reflection and contest over class hegemony [N], which in turn leads to the seizure and consolidation of state power.

As early as the period from the autumn of 1845 to May 1846, Marx and Engels co-authored The German Ideology, which thoroughly criticized German philosophy represented by Feuerbach, Bauer, and Stirner, as well as German socialism represented by various "prophets." This work lifted the mysterious and illusory veil that had shrouded ideology for millennia, expounded the materialist dialectical view of history and scientific ideological theory, and achieved a fundamental transformation in the history of philosophy. Marx and Engels explicitly stated: "German philosophy descends from heaven to earth; here it is a matter of ascending from earth to heaven." "We set out from real, active men, and on the basis of their real life-process we demonstrate the development of the ideological reflexes and echoes of this life-process... Morality, religion, metaphysics, all the rest of ideology and their corresponding forms of consciousness, thus no longer retain the semblance of independence." 3 Unlike various idealist views of history, the historical materialism they founded does not search for some category in every age, nor does it explain practice from ideas, or simply use "spiritual criticism" to eliminate all forms and products of consciousness. Instead, standing on the foundation of social history, it explains ideological concepts starting from material practice. It maintains that only by actually overthowing the social relations from which all idealist fallacies arise can these ideological concepts be finally eliminated. Ideology—comprising economic theory, political thought, morality, art, religion, and philosophy—is determined by civil society (the economic base) and governed by the mode of material production; its nature depends on the nature of the relations of production that hold the dominant position in society. In a society where classes and class antagonisms exist, ideology inevitably possesses a distinct class character. Its core content is a concentrated reflection of the fundamental interests and value pursuits of different classes, and the contest between various classes in the ideological field is inevitably manifested in the competition of different values. Capitalist countries like Britain and the United States promote "liberty," "equality," and "fraternity" as "universal values," forcibly marketing them worldwide and wielding the "baton of values" to suppress or sanction those who do not comply. In contrast, socialist core values—as the concentrated reflection of the fundamental interests of the proletariat and the broad masses of the people—coalesce the value pursuits of all the people and constitute the core content of socialist ideology. While presiding over the 12th collective study session of the Political Bureau of the 18th CPC Central Committee, Xi Jinping pointed out: "Values play a pivotal role in the culture of a given society; the influence of a culture is, first and foremost, the influence of its values. The struggle between various cultures in the world is essentially a struggle between values, a struggle for people's hearts, and an ideological struggle. As the saying goes, 'Strength for a moment lies in force, but victory for all time lies in the Right' [2]. We must first fight the hard battle of the competition between values." 4 During the 13th collective study session of the Political Bureau of the 18th CPC Central Committee, Xi Jinping emphasized: Diverse values and value orientations exist in any society. To unite the will and strength of the whole society, there must be a set of core values that adapt to its economic base and political system and can consolidate social consensus. "We must, from the strategic height of consolidating the common ideological foundation for the united struggle of the whole Party and people of all ethnic groups and consolidating the Party’s governing position, continuously strengthen the building of the system of socialist core values. We must treat the cultivation and promotion of socialist core values as a fundamental project for 'soul-coalescing and chi-gathering' [3] and for 'strengthening the foundation and consolidating the root' [4], regarding it as a fundamental task to be grasped firmly and well." 5 In the report to the 20th National Congress of the CPC, Xi Jinping further pointed out: "Socialist core values are a powerful force for coalescing hearts and pooling the strength of the people. We will promote the spiritual pedigree of Chinese Communists [5] with the Great Founding Spirit of the Party as its source, make good use of revolutionary resources, and conduct in-depth publicity and education on socialist core values. We will deepen education in patriotism, collectivism, and socialism, focusing on cultivating the 'new people of the era' [6] who are capable of shouldering the great responsibility of national rejuvenation." "We must persist in combining the rule of law with the rule of virtue, and integrate socialist core values into the building of the rule of law, social development, and daily life." 6 These important expositions by Xi Jinping profoundly reveal the important role of building socialist core values and their competition with Western values in the ideological field and even in the overall work of the Party and the state.

As a constituent element of state power, ideology possesses the essential attribute of serving and obeying state power, either directly or indirectly. The struggle between the ideologies of different classes is in essence a fight for intellectual leadership [hegemony] and political dominance. Classical Marxist writers have made incisive expositions on this. Marx and Engels believed that "The ideas of the ruling class are in every epoch the ruling ideas." "The ruling ideas are nothing more than the ideal expression of the dominant material relationships." 3 For example, in a country where the royal power, the aristocracy, and the bourgeoisie are struggling for mastery, and where, therefore, mastery is shared, the doctrine of the separation of powers proves to be the dominant idea and is expressed as an "eternal law." Lenin also pointed out that the rule of the proletariat is not consolidated all at once, but only after a long struggle against all backward doctrines such as petty-bourgeois socialism and anarchism; "any belittling of the socialist ideology, any withdrawal from it, means by that very fact the strengthening of bourgeois ideology." 7 Mao Zedong explicitly stated: "To overthrow a political power, it is always necessary first of all to create public opinion, to do work in the ideological sphere. This is true for the revolutionary class as well as for the counter-revolutionary class." 8

Since socialism with Chinese characteristics entered the New Era, Xi Jinping has further proposed: Ideology concerns the banner, the path, and national political security. 4 Various hostile forces attempt to manufacture "color revolutions" in our country to subvert the leadership of the Communist Party and the socialist system. "This is a realistic danger facing our regime security. One breakthrough point they have chosen is the ideological field, attempting to throw people's thinking into confusion, and then to fish in troubled waters and win victory through chaos. Under the new circumstances, the struggle in the ideological field is complex and sharp. History and reality warn us that once the positions of thought and public opinion are breached, other lines of defense will be difficult to hold. In the struggle in the ideological field, we have no room for compromise or concession; we must achieve total victory." 4 In the report to the 20th National Congress of the CPC, Xi Jinping, from the height of coordinating development and security and implementing the Holistic Approach to National Security, emphasized the need to "resolutely safeguard national regime security, institutional security, and ideological security, and strengthen capacity building for security in key areas"; to comprehensively strengthen national security education, enhance the national security awareness and literacy of all citizens, and build a solid people’s line of defense for national security; and to strictly prevent systemic security risks, and severely crack down on infiltration, sabotage, subversion, and secessionist activities by hostile forces, so as to safeguard the new development pattern with a new security pattern. 6 These important expositions by Xi Jinping profoundly reveal the new situation and tasks facing ideological work and its importance and urgency for maintaining state power and safeguarding regime security.

II. On the Position and Role of Ideological Struggle

Ideology is not a force that exists in and for itself, detached from the economic base and political life of society; rather, it is the conceptual reflection of the economic base and political superstructure of a given society, which in turn reacts upon politics and the economy and changes along with their development.

Historical materialism explains all political events and all ideological forms such as political thought, philosophy, and religion through the material living conditions of different periods and regions. Marx pointed out in the Preface to A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy: "In the social production of their life, men enter into definite relations that are indispensable and independent of their will, relations of production which correspond to a definite stage of development of their material productive forces. The sum total of these relations of production constitutes the economic structure of society, the real foundation, on which rises a legal and political superstructure and to which correspond definite forms of social consciousness. The mode of production of material life conditions the social, political and intellectual life process in general. It is not the consciousness of men that determines their being, but, on the contrary, their social being that determines their consciousness. At a certain stage of their development, the material productive forces of society come in conflict with the existing relations of production, or—what is but a legal expression for the same thing—with the property relations within which they have been at work hitherto. From forms of development of the productive forces these relations turn into their fetters. Then begins an epoch of social revolution. With the change of the economic foundation the entire immense superstructure is more or less rapidly transformed." 9 This classic exposition by Marx reveals the position and role of ideology as part of the intellectual superstructure in the social structure, as well as the process and causes of its development and change.

Historical materialism also reveals the relative independence of ideology and its massive counter-reaction upon the economic base. In Engels’s view, once an ideology arises, it develops by connecting itself with existing conceptual material and processing it; "otherwise it would not be an ideology, that is, it would not be dealing with ideas as autonomous entities that develop independently and are subject only to their own laws." 17 In his letter to Joseph Bloch, he wrote: "The economic situation is the basis, but the various elements of the superstructure—political forms of the class struggle and its results, such as constitutions established by the victorious class after a successful battle, etc., juridical forms, and even the reflexes of all these actual struggles in the brains of the participants, political, juristic, philosophical theories, religious views and their further development into systems of dogmas—also exercise their influence upon the course of the historical struggles and in many cases preponderate in determining their form. There is an interaction of all these elements in which, amid all the endless host of accidents (that is, of things and events whose inner interconnection is so remote or so impossible of proof that we can regard it as non-existent, as negligible), the economic movement finally asserts itself as necessary." 18 Historical materialism further demonstrates to us that the development of ideology is by no means directly proportional to the economic development of a given society; economically backward countries can create advanced culture. This was true of 18th-century France relative to Britain, and later of Germany relative to both Britain and France. In particular, although 19th-century Germany was economically behind Britain and France, it was able to "play first fiddle" in philosophy, achieving the highest heights of modern Western philosophy and constituting a direct source of Marxist philosophy. Generally speaking, once correct ideas representing the advanced class are grasped by the masses, they become a powerful force for understanding and transforming the world; conversely, erroneous concepts representing declining classes will imprison people's minds and become negative factors hindering the spread of truth and social progress.

From the day of its founding, the Communist Party of China (CPC) has held high the banner of Marxism, adhering to communist ideals and socialist convictions. Guided by Marxist ideological theory, it has continuously strengthened the Party’s ideological and theoretical building and its ideological and political work. It has coordinately promoted the Party's self-revolution and the great social revolution, transforming the subjective world while transforming the objective world. Across all aspects—productive forces and relations of production, the economic base and the superstructure—the Party has facilitated earth-shaking historical changes in China. Mao Zedong attached great importance to the status and role of the superstructure, including ideology, in the cause of revolution and construction. He advocated absorbing the scientific and democratic essence of ancient, modern, Chinese, and foreign cultures while discarding their ignorant and feudal dross, striving to build an independent, free, unified, and powerful New China. He explicitly stated: productive forces, practice, and the economic base generally play the primary and decisive role; to deny this is not to be a materialist. However, one must also recognize that under certain conditions, aspects such as the relations of production, theory, and the superstructure turn around and manifest a primary and decisive role. "When the superstructure (politics, culture, etc.) obstructs the development of the economic base, political and cultural reforms become principal and decisive. ... This does not contradict materialism; rather, it avoids mechanical materialism and adheres to dialectical materialism." 19 Deng Xiaoping proposed that while building socialist material civilization, we must also build socialist spiritual civilization [8], including education, science, and culture; communist ideals, beliefs, morality, and discipline; and comradely relations between people. During his Southern Tour in 1992, he pointed out that for Guangdong to catch up with the "Four Little Dragons" of Asia within 20 years, it was necessary not only to develop the economy but also to improve social order and the social atmosphere: "Only when both civilizations [9] surpass them can we call it socialism with Chinese characteristics." 20

Since the 18th CPC National Congress, the CPC has accurately grasped the new situation characterized by the global surge of competing ideas and cultures and the profound changes in the conceptual landscape of Chinese society. It has emphasized that ideology must "set the heart for the state and the soul for the nation" [10]; we must maintain a firm grasp on the leadership over ideological work and build a strong socialist cultural power. As early as August 19, 2013, in his speech at the National Conference on Propaganda and Ideological Work, Xi Jinping profoundly noted: economic construction is the Party’s central work, but ideological work is an extremely important task for the Party. "We must deeply understand the decisive role of the economic base on the superstructure, and deeply understand the counter-reaction of the superstructure on the economic base. We need both hard power and soft power. We must effectively handle the central work to provide a solid material foundation for ideological work, and effectively handle ideological work to provide a strong guarantee for the central work; we cannot neglect ideological work because of the central work, nor can we allow ideological work to drift away from the central work." 11 At the first plenary session of the 18th CPC Central Committee, he cautioned the whole Party that in the face of the complex situation of reform, development, and stability, as well as the diversification of social consciousness and the profound changes in the media landscape, "while concentrating on economic construction, we cannot for a moment relax or weaken ideological work. We must hold the leadership, management, and discourse power [11] of ideological work firmly in our hands and never let them slip away; otherwise, we will make irreparable historical mistakes." 11 In the report to the 20th CPC National Congress, he further emphasized: "Ideological work is the work of setting the heart for the state and the soul for the nation. We will hold the Party’s leadership over ideological work firm, fully implement the responsibility system for ideological work, and consolidate and expand the mainstream ideas and public opinion of the New Era." 13 It is precisely under the guidance of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era that we established and adhered to the fundamental system of the guiding position of Marxism in the ideological field. We have focused on solving the problem of weakened Party leadership in the ideological sphere, pursuing both "establishment" and "destruction"—clearing away the murky and bringing in the pure [12], returning to the source while upholding the fundamentals and breaking new ground. Socialist core values have been widely disseminated, and fine traditional Chinese culture has undergone creative transformation and innovative development. Consequently, the situation in our country's ideological field has undergone a comprehensive and fundamental shift. The cultural confidence of the entire nation has significantly strengthened, laying a common ideological foundation and providing powerful spiritual strength for opening a new chapter in the cause of the Party and the state in the New Era.

III. On the Methods and Means of Ideological Struggle

Ideological struggle differs from other forms of struggle. It cannot employ crude, coercive methods but must use meticulous, reasoned methods; it must also coordinate with struggles in the economic and military fields and adapt to the transformation of media such as books, newspapers, periodicals, radio, television, the internet, and WeChat.

Generally speaking, a social revolution depends not only on the "money bag" and the "gun barrel" but also on the "pen." Some farsighted politicians, in the process of conducting economic, military, and ideological struggles, have focused on exerting the role of ideology. Napoleon believed that a single pen was better than two thousand muskets; in Eisenhower's view, one dollar of external propaganda expenditure was equal to five dollars of defense expenditure. Nixon asserted that three unfriendly newspapers were more terrifying than a thousand bayonets; he even openly proclaimed that the competition between the United States and the Soviet Union was military, economic, and political in nature, "but the root of the US-Soviet struggle lies in ideology. The Soviet Union wants to spread communism and destroy freedom, while the United States wants to stop communism and spread freedom. If we lose the ideological war, then all our weapons, treaties, trade, foreign aid, and cultural relations will be of no use." 21 In the process of leading the Chinese revolution and construction, Mao Zedong carried out struggles on the economic, military, and ideological fronts in a holistic and masterful manner. He advocated that "all questions of an ideological nature and all disputes within the people can only be settled by democratic methods, by methods of discussion, criticism, persuasion, and education, and not by methods of coercion or repression." 22 Different forms and styles in art can develop freely, and different schools in science can debate freely. Utilizing administrative power to forcibly promote one style or school and ban another would be harmful to the development of art and science. Therefore, he emphasized that questions of right and wrong in art and science should be settled through free discussion in artistic and scientific circles and through the practice of art and science, rather than through simplistic methods. 22 "The policy of 'letting a hundred flowers bloom and a hundred schools of thought contend' is a policy for promoting the development of the arts and the progress of science, and for promoting the flourishing of socialist culture in our land." 22 Entering the new period of reform and opening up, Deng Xiaoping—summarizing the painful lessons of the expansion of the Anti-Rightist Struggle and the "Great Cultural Revolution"—proposed that "one cannot believe that if only 'destruction' comes first, 'construction' will be found therein." He noted that "historical experience proves that using the method of launching massive mass movements, rather than the method of thorough reasoning and calm discussion, to solve problems of ideological education among the masses" 23 has never been successful. He advocated combining positive guidance with reasonable criticism, implementing the "Three-Nos Principle" [13] (not picking on others' faults, not labeling people, and not hitting people with a big stick), while not discarding the weapon of criticism. He insisted on the basic line of "one center, two basic points" [14] without wavering and opposed both "Left" and Right erroneous tendencies.

As socialism with Chinese characteristics entered the New Era, we have resolutely engaged in a great struggle with many new historical features, facing unprecedented challenges and difficulties. In his speech at the National Conference on Propaganda and Ideological Work on August 19, 2013, Xi Jinping clearly pointed out the important policy of "persisting in unity, stability, and encouragement, with positive publicity as the mainstay," to consolidate and expand mainstream ideology and public opinion, promote the "main melody" [15], spread "positive energy," and stimulate the powerful force of unity and progress in the whole society. "We must dare to take charge, dare to show the sword [16], focus on uniting and winning over the majority, and conduct the struggle of public opinion in a way that is justified, advantageous, and restrained [17], helping cadres and the masses distinguish between right and wrong and clarify blurred understandings." 11 General disputes and blurred understandings cannot be solved by administrative or legal means but must rely on the power of Marxist truth and deep, meticulous ideological and political work, using truth to expose lies and science to defeat fallacies. 11 In the report to the 20th CPC National Congress, he further proposed: "We must persist in upholding the fundamentals and breaking new ground." We must treat science with a scientific attitude, pursue truth with the spirit of truth, adhere to the basic principles of Marxism without wavering, adhere to the overall leadership of the Party without wavering, and adhere to socialism with Chinese characteristics without wavering. We must keep pace with the times, respond to the development of practice, treat all new things with great enthusiasm, constantly expand the breadth and depth of our understanding, dare to say new things that our predecessors did not say, dare to do things that our predecessors did not do, and guide new practices with new theories. We must "persist in carrying forward the spirit of struggle," strengthening the ambition, backbone, and confidence of the whole Party and the people of all ethnic groups. We must not believe in "heresy" (xie), not fear "ghosts," and not fear "pressure" [18]. We must press forward in the face of difficulties, coordinate development and security, and strive to overcome various difficulties and challenges on the road ahead, relying on tenacious struggle to open up new horizons for our cause. 13 This series of important expositions by Xi Jinping has pointed out the correct direction, policy, method, and principle for ideological work in the New Era.

Ideology, as a spiritual product, originates in the human mind and influences people's words and deeds. At the same time, it requires media such as letters, newspapers, periodicals, radio, television, and the internet for storage and dissemination before it can be transformed into a material force for understanding and transforming the world. Marx once said that gunpowder, the compass, and the printing press were the three great inventions that heralded the arrival of capitalist society. Gunpowder blew the knightly class into pieces, the compass opened up the world market and established colonies, "while the printing press became a tool of Protestantism, and more generally a means for the rebirth of science, the most powerful lever for creating the necessary prerequisites for spiritual development." [35] (P338) Since the dawn of the modern era, along with the advancement of industrialization, electrification, informatization, and urbanization, and the rise of mass culture and social media, the carriers and means of ideological struggle have continuously evolved. Particularly since the 1990s, the rapid development of new media such as the internet, microblogs, and WeChat has profoundly changed the way public opinion is generated and disseminated. This has made the boundaries between international and domestic, online and offline, virtual and reality, and inside and outside the system increasingly blurred, constituting an ever-more complex field of public opinion characterized by new features such as spontaneity, suddenness, diversity, and difficulty in control. Many new situations and problems in the ideological sphere have emerged and increased because of the internet; indeed, the internet has become the main battlefield and primary channel for hostile domestic and foreign forces to carry out infiltration and attacks against our country.

Since the 18th CPC National Congress, the Party Central Committee has attached great importance to the construction and innovation of dissemination means, promoting the integrated development of media to enhance the communication, guidance, influence, and credibility of theory and public opinion. Xi Jinping has emphasized that the internet has become the main battlefield of the struggle for public opinion and the very front line of ideological struggle. "Whether we can stand our ground and win on this battlefield of the internet directly concerns our country's ideological security and the security of political power" [22] (P29); "controlling the power of initiative over internet ideology means guarding national sovereignty and political power." [22] (P36) We must grasp the laws of internet communication and improve our level of using and governing the web, transforming the internet—this "greatest variable"—into the "greatest increment" for promoting the development of our cause. As new network media continue to evolve, there have emerged "omni-media," "holographic media," "universal media," and "omni-effect media" [19]. Information is now omnipresent, all-pervasive, and used by everyone, leading to profound changes in the ecosystem of public opinion, the media landscape, and methods of communication. Ideological work faces new opportunities and challenges. We must profoundly grasp the trends and laws of media integration in the omni-media era and coordinately handle the relationships between traditional and emerging media, central and local media, mainstream media and commercial platforms, and mass-market and professional media, "forming an omni-media communication system with intensive resources, rational structure, differentiated development, and efficient synergy." [23] (P354-356) The report to the 20th CPC National Congress explicitly proposed: "We will strengthen the construction of the omni-media communication system and shape a new pattern of mainstream public opinion. We will improve the comprehensive net-governance system to promote the formation of a healthy online ecosystem." [24] (P44) Managing and utilizing the internet well and promoting integrated media development is a foundational project for the construction of socialist ideology under conditions of informatization and digitalization. This requires solving not only the question of who manages and uses it, but also how they manage and use it. We must excel at top-level design, persist in a systems-thinking approach, and master core technologies. We must quickly transform the Party and state’s advantages in ideological and cultural resources, social governance big data, and policy formulation and implementation into a comprehensive effectiveness that consolidates and strengthens mainstream public opinion. This will form concentric circles online and offline and allow us to fight the proactive battle of ideology well.

IV. On the Process and Trends of Ideological Struggle

Until classes and the state wither away, the ideological struggles between different classes will long exist and continue to evolve. Even in a classless society, the ideological struggle between the new and the old, the correct and the incorrect, will never end. Therefore, the advocacy of erroneous views such as the "end of ideology" or "de-ideologization" is theoretically untenable and extremely harmful in practice. Since human society entered the modern era, it has been permeated by complex and fierce struggles among three ideologies: feudalism, capitalism, and socialism. However, the socialist ideology, which represents the transformation of the status quo and speaks for the future, will ultimately replace the ideologies of feudalism and capitalism. This is the historical law and inevitable trend of ideological struggle.

The establishment of the first international proletarian political party—the Communist League—and the publication of the Manifesto of the Communist Party marked the birth of Marxism and the formation of communist ideology. In the more than 170 years since, as socialism progressed from utopia to science, from theory to system, and from one country to many, the socialist ideology established on the foundation of Marxist theory has become the guiding ideology and program of action for proletarian parties and socialist states. The founders of Marxism believed that the proletarian party possessed a "great advantage," namely, a new scientific worldview acting as its theoretical basis. Communism is not a mysterious dogma but a practical movement; it does not proceed from abstract principles but from objective facts. Communists do not take a certain speculative philosophy as their premise, but rather the whole of history up to the present and its actual results created in civilized countries. Communism possesses scientific, class, temporal, and practical character. It is the theoretical expression of the proletarian standpoint, viewpoint, and method in the class struggle, and is "the theoretical summary of the conditions for the liberation of the proletariat." [21] (P672) Mao Zedong wrote in On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People that although socialist transformation was basically completed, remnants of the overthrown landlord and comprador classes [20] still existed, and the bourgeoisie still existed. "The class struggle in the ideological field between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie will still be long and tortuous and at times even very sharp." [33] (P230) Correct things always develop in the process of struggling against erroneous things; the true, the good, and the beautiful always exist in comparison with, and develop in struggle against, the false, the evil, and the ugly. "This struggle will never end. This is the law of the development of truth and, naturally, the law of the development of Marxism." [33] (P231) At the time of the drastic changes in Eastern Europe and the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Deng Xiaoping scrutinized the changes in the international situation and the world pattern, acutely pointing out: "I hoped that the Cold War would end, but now I feel disappointed. It may be that one Cold War has ended, but two others have already begun. One is directed against the entire South and the Third World, and the other is directed against socialism." He likened the strategy of "peaceful evolution" [21] pursued by imperialism against socialist countries to "fighting a Third World War without the smoke of gunpowder." [31] (P344)

Since entering the New Era, Xi Jinping has persisted in the basic principles of Marxism and a "big picture view of history" [22]. Based on a scientific summary of the 5,000-plus years of the Chinese nation's civilization and the 500-plus years of the history of world socialism—particularly the major achievements and historical experience of the CPC's century of struggle—he has continuously deepened our understanding of the historical origins, realistic foundations, and developmental prospects of socialism with Chinese characteristics. He pointed out profoundly: Why did the Soviet Union dissolve? Why did the Soviet Communist Party collapse? One important reason was that the struggle in the ideological field was extremely fierce, involving a total negation of Soviet history, the history of the CPSU, Lenin, and Stalin, and the engagement in historical nihilism [23]. When thoughts were thrown into chaos, the Party organizations at all levels ceased to function. Since the 18th CPC National Congress, the domestic and international environment facing ideological work has become even more complex. Foreign hostile forces have increased their infiltration efforts, while some domestic organizations and individuals have changed their tactics to create ideological confusion and compete with the Party for the "hearts and minds" of the people. We must place ideological work in an important position and strengthen organizational leadership. "We must grasp the ideological situation and dynamics in a timely manner. We must have the courage to take charge of various issues of political significance, principle, and direction, and dare to unsheathe the sword [24] against all kinds of erroneous thinking, helping people distinguish right from wrong and firmly grasping the power of initiative in ideological work. In particular, we must prevent various hostile forces from using opportunities to interfere and sabotage, avoid specific issues evolving into political issues or local issues evolving into global events, and avoid the emergence of major ideological incidents and public opinion whirlpools." [23] (P23) These important discourses by Xi Jinping are a scientific summary of the experiences and lessons of the international communist movement and a strategic deployment for ideological struggle in the New Era.

In society and the state, there exists both the dominant ideology and ideologies existing in the form of old remnants or new sprouts. Their coexistence and contestation determine the pattern and direction of ideological struggle. In Anti-Dühring, Engels analyzed that alongside Christian-feudal morality, there existed bourgeois morality and proletarian morality, pointing out that in the most advanced countries of Europe, there were three types of moral theories functioning simultaneously and side-by-side. "But the morality which contains the maximum elements promising to be durable is that which in the present represents the overturning of the present, which represents the future—that is, the proletarian morality." [36] (P98-99) Similarly, socialist ideology, built upon a profound grasp of historical laws and the interests of the people, will surely demonstrate powerful appeal and vitality in the process of struggling against feudal and capitalist ideologies. During his Southern Tour [25] speeches, Deng Xiaoping pointed out: "The number of people in the world who favor Marxism will increase, because Marxism is a science. It uses historical materialism to reveal the laws of human society's development. Feudal society replaced slave society, capitalism replaced feudalism, and socialism, after a long process of development, will inevitably replace capitalism. This is the irreversible general trend of social-historical development, but the road is tortuous. During the several hundred years it took for capitalism to replace feudalism, how many times were there dynastic restorations? Therefore, in a sense, a degree of temporary restoration is also a regular phenomenon that is difficult to avoid completely. Serious setbacks have occurred in some countries, and socialism seems to have been weakened, but the people have been tempered and have absorbed lessons from this, which will prompt socialism to develop in a healthier direction." [31] (P382-383) Xi Jinping also emphasized that no matter how times change or how science progresses, Marxism still demonstrates the power of scientific thought and still occupies the commanding heights of truth and morality. To do ideological work well under the new situation, "we must persist in Marxism, firmly establish the lofty ideal of communism and the common ideal of socialism with Chinese characteristics, cultivate and practice socialist core values, and continuously enhance our dominance and discourse power in the ideological field. We must promote the creative transformation and innovative development of fine traditional Chinese culture, inherit revolutionary culture, develop advanced socialist culture, and—without forgetting our origins, while absorbing foreign influences and facing the future—better construct the Chinese spirit, Chinese values, and Chinese strength to provide spiritual guidance for the people." [23] (P5-6) The report to the 20th CPC National Congress clearly stated: "We will strengthen education in ideals and convictions, guiding the whole Party to remember the Party's purpose and solve the problem of the 'master switch' [26] of worldview, outlook on life, and values. We will encourage them to consciously become firm believers and faithful practitioners of the lofty ideal of communism and the common ideal of socialism with Chinese characteristics. We will persist in integrating study, thought, and application, and unifying knowledge, belief, and action, transforming Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era into a powerful force for tempering Party spirit, guiding practice, and promoting work." [24] (P43) Only by promoting the normalization and institutionalization of education in ideals and convictions, and by continuously doing well in the publicity and education of the history of the Party, the history of New China, the history of reform and opening up, and the history of socialist development—guiding the people to know history to love the Party and the country—can we fulfill the major task of building socialist ideology: strengthening confidence in the path, theory, system, and culture of socialism with Chinese characteristics and establishing socialist core values. Only then can we achieve the fundamental goal of building socialist ideology: strengthening faith in Marxism, conviction in socialism and communism, and confidence in the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.

The laws governing ideological struggle represent the fundamental principles of Marxism regarding the dialectical relationship and contradictory movement between social being and social consciousness, and between the economic base and the superstructure; they are the concentrated manifestation of these principles within the field of ideology, with values at its core. These laws of ideological struggle, in turn, are subordinate to and follow the basic laws of human historical development—namely, that while social consciousness is determined by social being, it possesses a relative independence and exerts a counter-reaction upon social being; and while the superstructure must adapt to the economic base [27], it exerts a massive counter-reaction upon that economic base. Entering the New Era, we have persisted in Marxism-Leninism, Mao Zedong Thought, Deng Xiaoping Theory, the Theory of Three Represents, and the Scientific Outlook on Development, fully implementing Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, as well as the Party's basic line and basic strategy. We have withstood the tests of risks and challenges from the political, economic, and ideological spheres, achieving the goal of building a moderately prosperous society in all respects as scheduled, and propelling our country onto a new journey of building a modern socialist country in all respects. Xi Jinping’s series of important expositions and strategic deployments regarding ideology constitute an unswerving persistence in and a creative development of Marxist ideological theory. Deeply studying and implementing the spirit of the 20th National Congress of the CPC, continuously composing new chapters in the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism, and accelerating the construction of a socialist ideology that reflects the national spirit and the characteristics of the times—one with strong cohesive and guiding power—is the primary task and historical project for the theoretical circle and the ideological front at present and for a period to come. This is essential to consolidate the common ideological foundation upon which the whole Party and the people of all ethnic groups throughout the country strive in unity to build a modern socialist country in all respects and comprehensively promote the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.

[References] [27] Selected Works of Marx and Engels, Vol. 5 [M]. Beijing: People's Publishing House, 2009. [28] Collected Works of Lenin, Vol. 55 [M]. Beijing: People's Publishing House, 2017. [29] Selected Works of Marx and Engels, Vol. 1 [M]. Beijing: People's Publishing House, 2009. [30] Excerpts from Xi Jinping's Expositions on Socialist Cultural Construction [M]. Beijing: Central Party Literature Press, 2017. [31] Xi Jinping, On the Party's Propaganda and Ideological Work [M]. Beijing: Central Party Literature Press, 2020. [32] Xi Jinping, Hold High the Great Banner of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics and Strive in Unity to Build a Modern Socialist Country in All Respects—Report to the 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China [M]. Beijing: People's Publishing House, 2022. [33] Lenin's Thematic Works: On the Proletarian Party [M]. Beijing: People's Publishing House, 2009. [34] Selected Works of Wang Enmao, Vol. 2 [M]. Beijing: Central Party Literature Press, 1997. [35] Selected Works of Marx and Engels, Vol. 2 [M]. Beijing: People's Publishing House, 2009. [36] Selected Works of Marx and Engels, Vol. 4 [M]. Beijing: People's Publishing House, 2009. [37] Selected Works of Marx and Engels, Vol. 10 [M]. Beijing: People's Publishing House, 2009. [38] Selected Works of Mao Zedong, Vol. 1 [M]. Beijing: People's Publishing House, 1991. [39] Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping, Vol. 3 [M]. Beijing: People's Publishing House, 1993. [40] [US] Richard Nixon, 1999: Victory Without War [M]. Trans. Zhu Jiasui et al. Beijing: Long March Press, 1988. [41] Collected Works of Mao Zedong, Vol. 7 [M]. Beijing: People's Publishing House, 1999. [42] Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping, Vol. 2 [M]. Beijing: People's Publishing House, 1994. [43] Selected Works of Marx and Engels, Vol. 8 [M]. Beijing: People's Publishing House, 2009. [44] Selected Works of Marx and Engels, Vol. 9 [M]. Beijing: People's Publishing House, 2009.

(The author is the Secretary of the Party Committee of the Institute of World History, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences) Web Editor: Lian Yu Source: Studies on Marxist Theory Discipline, Issue 11, 2022.