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Tian Kun: Research on Ten Frontier Issues of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era (2022)

Academy News

In 2022, General Secretary Xi Jinping delivered a series of important speeches and issued a series of critical instructions and directives on occasions such as the seminar for provincial and ministerial-level leading cadres to study and implement the spirit of the sixth plenary session of the 19th CPC Central Committee, the sixth plenary session of the 19th Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, the "Two Sessions" [1], the ceremony marking the 100th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Youth League of China, and the 20th CPC National Congress. These contributions further enriched the content of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era. The publication of works such as the fourth volume of Xi Jinping: The Governance of China; On the Party’s Youth Work; On "Three Rural" [2] Work; On Persisting in the Harmonious Coexistence of Man and Nature; The Selected Diplomatic Speeches of Xi Jinping (Volumes I and II); and The Selected Letters of Xi Jinping (Volume I), along with excerpts of General Secretary Xi Jinping’s discourses on "governing the Party according to regulations," "the development of socialist spiritual civilization," and "persisting in and improving the Party and state oversight systems," have provided authoritative documentary support for the theoretical community’s deep research into Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era. Viewed as a whole, the past year’s research by the theoretical community on Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era has featured a proliferation of focal points and broad-ranging content. Holistic research has demonstrated a wide vision and grand scale, while specialized research has shown rigorous depth and profound reflection. A large number of high-quality research outcomes have emerged, effectively driving the study of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era to become further academicized, theorized, and discipinalized.

I. Research on the Spirit of the 20th CPC National Congress

From October 16 to 22, 2022, the 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China was held in Beijing. General Secretary Xi Jinping delivered a report titled "Hold High the Great Banner of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics and Strive in Unity to Build a Modern Socialist Country in All Respects." The report profoundly elucidated a series of major theoretical and practical issues regarding the persistence and development of socialism with Chinese characteristics in the New Era, and outlined a grand blueprint for building a modern socialist country in all respects and comprehensively advancing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. The important ideas, viewpoints, major strategies, and measures determined by the report of the 20th National Congress have resonated strongly within the theoretical community, and the spirit of the 20th National Congress immediately became a frontier hotspot for theoretical research.

1. The Significant Meaning of the 20th National Congress

The 20th National Congress was a congress of great importance held at a critical moment as we embark on a new journey to build a modern socialist country in all respects and advance toward the Second Centenary Goal [3]. The report of the 20th National Congress pointed out the direction and established the guide for action for the New Era and the new journey; it is a political manifesto and a program of action for the Party to unite and lead the people of the whole country in winning new victories for socialism with Chinese characteristics. He Yiting argues that the 20th National Congress was a congress for the CPC to create even greater glory in the New Era, a congress to open new frontiers in the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism, a congress to comprehensively advance the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation through Chinese-path modernization, a congress to join hands in creating a better future for humanity, and a congress to lead social revolution through the Party's self-revolution. Zhan Chengfu contends that the 20th National Congress sketched a magnificent blueprint for a better future for the Chinese people and solemnly proposed that the continuous writing of new chapters in the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism is the grave historical responsibility of contemporary Chinese Communists. Liu Tongfang believes that the report of the 20th National Congress demonstrates a forward-looking consciousness in scientifically planning the developmental prospects of the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics, reflects a systemic concept in coordinately promoting the comprehensive building of a modern socialist country, and displays a pioneering spirit in continuously advancing the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism.

2. New Generalizations, Judgments, and Ideas in the Report of the 20th National Congress

Guided by Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, the report of the 20th National Congress reflects the achievements of the Party’s theoretical, practical, and institutional innovations since the 18th National Congress, putting forward many new generalizations, judgments, and ideas. New formulations and expressions such as "Marxism that has been Sinicized and modernized works," "accelerating the planning and construction of a new type of energy system," "building a powerful strategic deterrence system," and "improving the system for comprehensively and strictly governing the Party" were Refreshing, and the theoretical community followed up with timely research and interpretation.

Regarding "the worldview and methodology of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era." The report of the 20th National Congress clarified the worldview and methodology of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, namely the "Six Must-Persists": we must persist in putting the people first, we must persist in self-confidence and self-reliance, we must persist in upholding the fundamentals and breaking new ground, we must persist in a problem-oriented approach, we must persist in a systemic concept, and we must persist in keeping the whole world in mind. Qu Qingshan argues that the "Six Must-Persists" are the concentrated expression of the theoretical creation, practical exploration, and political character of the Chinese Communists in the New Era; they are the "golden key" for us to understand Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era and to unlock this theoretical treasure trove. Chen Li believes that the "Six Must-Persists" are both a profound revelation of the worldview and methodology of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era and the fundamental requirement and clear direction for our Party to continue advancing theoretical innovation and opening new frontiers in the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism on the new journey. Huang Kunming argues that the "Six Must-Persists" profoundly reveal the theoretical character and distinct traits of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era; they are both the basic points that must be firmly grasped to profoundly understand this scientific thought and the basic points that must always be persisted in to continue advancing theoretical innovation. The Theoretical Learning Center Group of the CPC Central Committee Institute of Party History and Literature believes that the "Six Must-Persists" constitute an interrelated and internally unified organic whole, which is reflected throughout the entire contents of the "Ten Clarifications," "Fourteen Persists," and "Thirteen Facets of Achievements." [4] Xin Xiangyang argues that the "Six Must-Persists" enrich and develop the Marxist view of history, development, modernization, and civilization. Zhang Donggang believes that the "Six Must-Persists" profoundly reveal the fundamental political stance, deep theoretical perspectives, and scientific ideological methods of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era. Dong Zhenhua believes that to grasp the worldview and methodology of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, one must grasp the fundamental value stance, dialectical materialism, and the practical viewpoint that run through it.

Regarding "the great changes in the ten years of the New Era possess landmark significance." The report of the 20th National Congress systematically combed through the historical achievements and transformations in 16 aspects of the cause of the Party and the state over the ten years of the New Era. Luo Wendong argues that the historical undertaking created and the social changes promoted by the Chinese people under the leadership of the CPC during the ten years of the New Era are unprecedented and rare in the world. Li Zhenghua believes that the great changes of the ten years of the New Era represent another historical victory for the CPC, following the historic victories of the New Democratic Revolution, the socialist revolution and construction, and reform and opening up. Xia Quan and others believe that the historic achievements and transformations of the ten years of the New Era have provided more perfect institutional guarantees, a more solid material foundation, and more proactive spiritual strength for realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.

Regarding the "Three Musts" [5]. Ding Junping and others argue that the "Three Musts," based on persisting in and developing the core content of the "Two Musts," integrate the ideals and beliefs of remaining true to our original aspiration and founding mission with the spiritual strength of daring to struggle and being good at struggle, thereby refining the basic connotation from the three levels of ideals and beliefs, fine style of work, and spiritual strength. Wang Gonglong believes the "Three Musts" reflect the CPC’s distinct stance of consistently strengthening the development of its work style and carrying forward its glorious traditions, and reflect the new requirements placed on Party members and cadres by the persistence and development of socialism with Chinese characteristics in the New Era. Lin Jianhua believes the "Three Musts" aim to ensure the Party never changes its nature, its conviction, or its character, ensuring the Party always remains the strong leadership core of the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics.

Regarding the "Five Paths that Must be Taken." [6] Liu Shuhui argues that the "Five Paths that Must be Taken" represent crucial, law-like understandings reached by our Party through long-term practice, and are the inevitable requirements for achieving the Party's central tasks on the new journey of the New Era. Liu Jingbei believes that persisting in the Party's comprehensive leadership is a basic principle of scientific socialism and the most fundamental experience gained by the CPC through a century of struggle. Liu Guangming argues that the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics accords with China's reality, reflects the will of the Chinese people, and adapts to the requirements of the development of the times. Yu Fei believes that the New Development Philosophy is the guide for action to solve development problems, enhance development momentum, and cultivate developmental advantages. Ai Silin argues that unity and struggle embody the great national spirit and manifest the Great Founding Spirit of the Party; they are the inevitable requirement for practicing the Party's original aspiration and founding mission, an important magic weapon for the continuous growth of the cause, and the path that must be taken to create historical undertakings. Liu Liansheng believes that comprehensively and strictly governing the Party is the most distinct character and greatest advantage of the CPC, the inevitable choice for solving the Party's own prominent problems in the New Era, and the fundamental guarantee for comprehensively advancing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.

Regarding "unique challenges facing a large party." Dai Lixing argues that the unique challenges of a large party refer to those specific difficulties in Party building that the CPC faces due to its massive membership and ultra-large organizational scale, which differ from those of smaller parties. Fang Lingmin believes that the advanced nature of the party’s attributes, the arduousness of its missions and tasks, the people-centered nature of its purpose, and the grandiosity of its organizational scale determine that for the CPC to consolidate its position of long-term governance, it must necessarily face unique challenges distinct from other parties. Liu Honglin argues that the main factors determining whether a large party wins or loses the people’s hearts lie in issues of economic development and governance performance, interest groups and the gap between rich and poor, corruption of power and political corruption, party bureaucratization and rigid conservatism, internal unity versus party splitting, and subversive errors versus the failure of reform.

3. Implementing the Major Decisions and Deployments of the 20th National Congress

On October 29, 2022, the CPC Central Committee issued the "Decision on Earnestly Studying, Publicizing, and Implementing the Spirit of the 20th CPC National Congress," requiring the entire Party to comprehensively and accurately study the spirit of the 20th National Congress and implement the major decisions and deployments made therein. Regarding the implementation of "promoting cultural confidence and strength," Wang Yi believes it is necessary to persist in combining the basic principles of Marxism with China’s fine traditional culture, and to prosper and develop cultural undertakings and industries to enhance the reach and influence of Chinese civilization. Regarding the implementation of "insisting on holding the fate of China’s development and progress firmly in our own hands," the Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era Research Center of the Central Party School (National Academy of Governance) believes we must persist in a systemic concept, coordinating the two domestic and international situations, the two major tasks of development and security, and the coordination of epidemic prevention and control with economic development. Regarding the implementation of "advancing the building of a Rule of Law China," Meng Xiangfeng believes we must anchor ourselves to the goals and tasks of advancing the building of a Rule of Law China, integrate Rule of Law development into all processes and aspects of economic and social development, and be adept at using Rule of Law thinking and methods to carry out work, manage people, and govern power, so as to legally respond to challenges, resist risks, overcome resistance, and resolve contradictions.

II. Holistic Research on Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era

Persisting in a systemic concept is both the worldview and methodology running through Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era and an important method for the theoretical community to study and explain this thought. Researching Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era from forward-looking, global, and holistic perspectives has become an important point for academic growth.

1. The Historical Status of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era

The newly revised Constitution of the Communist Party of China at the 20th National Congress emphasizes that Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era "is contemporary Chinese Marxism, 21st-century Marxism, the essence of the times of Chinese culture and the Chinese spirit, the crystallization of the practical experience and collective wisdom of the Party and the people, and an important component of the theoretical system of socialism with Chinese characteristics." Shi Taifeng argues that Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era continues the lifeline of Chinese culture into the New Era, allowing the flower of the Chinese spirit to bloom on the new journey, condensing into the essence of the times of Chinese culture and the Chinese spirit. Han Qingxiang believes that Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era has made original contributions at the practical, theoretical, and historical levels, providing a scientific theoretical system for explaining the contemporary world, observing the times, grasping the times, and leading the times. Liu Guangming believes that Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era has achieved a new leap in the Sinicization of Marxism at the theoretical, practical, and spiritual-cultural levels. Xin Xiangyang argues that Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era focuses on the deepest problems in the development of 21st-century China, the world, humanity, and the times, sounding the strongest note for defending, persisting in, and developing Marxism in the 21st century. Jin Minqing believes that Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era has raised the ideological level of the Chinese nation to a new height, realized the creative transformation and innovative development of China’s fine traditional culture, and holds a very important position in the history of Chinese culture.

  1. Original Contributions of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era scientifically answers the questions of China, the world, the people, and the times. It has enriched and developed Marxist theory, opened up a new realm for the development of Marxism in contemporary China, and made a series of original contributions. Jiang Hui argues that Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era creatively applies the basic principles of scientific socialism, scientifically summarizes the experiences and lessons of the world socialist movement, and enriches and develops scientific socialism with brand-new ideological content. Gong Yun argues that Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era has conducted a series of profound reflections on the major theoretical and practical problems facing Marxism in the 21st century. It has made original contributions to Marxist philosophy, political economy, and scientific socialism, advancing world Marxism to the stage of 21st-century Marxism and achieving a new leap in the Sinicization of Marxism. Han Qingxiang argues that the new historical coordinates, the background of the times, the themes of the era, the principal contradiction, and the philosophical paradigm not only provide the basis for grasping the original contributions and historical status of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, but in a broad sense, also constitute important components of these original contributions. In a narrow sense, these contributions and historical status are most prominently and primarily manifested across two levels: the "theoretical dimension" and the "historical dimension." Kang Xiaoqiang argues that Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era has developed into a scientific system with a complete structure, rigorous logic, and integrated systemic nature; its hierarchical structure of original contributions to scientific socialism can be divided into three levels: creative application contributions, expansive contributions, and original invention contributions.

  2. The Generative Logic of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era is the product of combining the basic principles of Marxism with China’s specific realities and with China’s fine traditional culture. Given that research on the "first combination"—namely, "with China’s specific realities"—has been relatively in-depth in recent years, the theoretical community in 2022 focused primarily on the academic exploration of the "second combination," namely, "with China's fine traditional culture." Wang Yi argues that the combination of basic Marxist principles with China’s fine traditional culture is an innovative manifestation of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era. This not only facilitates the rooting of Marxism in China but also helps activate the vitality of China’s fine traditional culture. Zhang Weibo argues that after Marxism was introduced to China, China’s fine traditional culture not only created conditions for the spread of Marxism but also provided "living water" [7] for the Sinicization of Marxism. Meng Xianping and others argue that the combination of Marxism and China’s fine traditional culture has undergone a process from the shallow to the deep, from the surface to the interior, from the small to the large, from the gradual to the rapid, and from the latent to the manifest. It is necessary to actively promote the adaptation of China’s fine traditional culture to socialist society and scientifically grasp the relationship between "change and constancy," "the new and the old," and "inheritance and creation" within the "Two Creatives" [8] of China's fine traditional culture.

  3. The Strategic Thinking of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era In July 2022, General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized in a speech at a thematic seminar for provincial and ministerial-level leading cadres: "Our country’s development faces new strategic opportunities, new strategic tasks, new strategic stages, new strategic requirements, and a new strategic environment. The risks and challenges we need to respond to and the contradictions and problems we need to resolve are more complex than ever before." Han Qingxiang argues that the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core is adept at using strategic thinking, enabling correct strategic judgments on the overall domestic and international development situation, long-term outlooks, and general trends. This committee makes scientific strategic plans for fundamental issues affecting the future and destiny of the Party and the country, reflecting a superb capacity for strategic response. Liu Jingbei and others argue that the strategic thinking of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era has its own unique generative mechanism; its distinctive feature is viewing and contemplating problems from a political, global, long-term, and holistic perspective. Zhao Chaofeng argues that strategic thinking is a way of thinking that Chinese Communists should always establish. It is necessary to cultivate a strategic outlook through continuous learning, improve strategic thinking capabilities, strengthen strategic resolve, carry forward the spirit of historical initiative, and shape a favorable strategic posture to respond to changes, nurture new opportunities, and open new horizons with correct strategies and tactics.

III. Research on the Third Historical Resolution of the Communist Party of China The Resolution of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on the Major Achievements and Historical Experience of the Party over the Past Century, adopted at the Sixth Plenary Session of the 19th CPC Central Committee, is the third historical resolution in the Party's history. This resolution profoundly explains the generative logic, theoretical character, and practical significance of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, serving as a landmark document in the process of developing and perfecting the Thought.

  1. Distinctive Characteristics of the Third Historical Resolution The theoretical community generally believes that the Third Historical Resolution is a political manifesto for Chinese Communists in the New Era to keep their original aspiration and founding mission firmly in mind and to uphold and develop socialism with Chinese characteristics. It is an action guide for taking history as a mirror to create the future and achieve the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. Chen Jinlong argues that the Third Historical Resolution evaluates the narrative of the Party's century-long achievements, historical significance, and historical experience from the heights of the history of the Chinese nation's development, the history of Marxist development, and the history of human civilization, demonstrating the charm of the "Big View of History" [9] as a method of historical narrative and evaluation. Liu Tongfang argues that the Third Historical Resolution demonstrates that the CPC's rational self-awareness has reached a new height, indicating that the Party has entered a more rational, mature, and conscious stage of development. Yang Mingwei argues that from a century-long magnificent perspective, the Third Historical Resolution profoundly summarizes the valuable historical experience accumulated by the Party in leading the people's great struggle, reflecting the Party's distinctive character and revealing its "code of development." It is another "valuable historical textbook" for the CPC.

  2. Comparative Study of the Three Historical Resolutions Being adept at summarizing historical experience and lessons is a fine tradition and political advantage of the CPC. In 1945, the "Resolution on Certain Historical Issues" adopted at the Seventh Plenary Session of the Sixth CPC Central Committee summarized the Party's history and its experiences and lessons since its founding, especially from the Fourth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee to the Zunyi Conference, and reached conclusions on several major historical issues. In 1981, the "Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party since the Founding of the People's Republic of China," adopted at the Sixth Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee, summarized the historical experience of socialist revolution and construction and corrected erroneous viewpoints from both the "Left" and the Right. Through a comparative study of the three historical resolutions, we can deepen our understanding of the major practical and profound historical significance of the Third Historical Resolution within the depth of history. Ouyang Qi argues that the three historical resolutions, proceeding from ontology, praxiology, and axiology, collectively interpret the scientific connotation, practical path, and important value of Marxism, constructing as a whole the basic essentials of the CPC's century-long view of Marxism. Pei Zhi argues that a survey of the three historical resolutions shows that the CPC's political consciousness is prominently expressed in its conscious use of "historical resolutions" to summarize positive and negative historical experiences and establish a correct political line, as well as consciously using these resolutions to build consensus and enhance the Party's unity. Its ideological consciousness is prominently expressed in its consciousness of ideological methodology and theoretical innovation. Zhou Liangshu argues that the commonalities of the three resolutions lie in treating history with a developmental and dialectical perspective, analyzing figures and events under specific historical conditions, concerning themselves with and respecting the integrity and continuity of history, and analyzing historical connections to reveal inherent laws. Zhu Jiamu argues that the Third Historical Resolution covers a much longer timeframe and a wider scope of activity than the previous two; its narrative of the historical process highlights the main themes and trends more prominently and adopts a more positive mode of expression regarding existing problems. Shi Zhongyuan argues that if the first two resolutions acted as a "Dinghai Shenzhen" [10] (stabilizing force) for achieving the Party’s century of glory, then the Third Historical Resolution, by advancing with the times to comprehensively and profoundly summarize the Party’s major achievements and historical experience, serves as an action guide for taking history as a mirror to create the future.

  3. The Historical Significance of the CPC’s Century of Struggle The Third Historical Resolution uses dialectical materialism and historical materialism to summarize the Party's century-long journey of struggle and profoundly reveals its historical significance. Chen Zhigang argues that the Party's century of struggle has fundamentally changed the future and destiny of the Chinese people, opened the correct path for achieving the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, demonstrated the powerful vitality of Marxism—allowing it to constantly radiate new vigor through Sinicization and modernization—profoundly influenced the course of world history, and forged a Communist Party of China that stands at the forefront of the times. Lu Kuan argues that the essence of strengthening historical confidence is to scientifically summarize historical experience, recognize and apply historical laws, accurately grasp historical trends, and enhance the courage and strength to forge ahead. Hou Yanshe and others argue that the prerequisite for seizing historical initiative lies in following historical laws; the foundation lies in firming historical confidence; the power lies in respecting the historical subject (the people); the focus lies in strengthening historical responsibility; the key lies in seizing historical opportunities; and the essence lies in the courage for self-revolution. Gao Xiang argues that to grasp historical initiative, one must accurately judge the "time and momentum" (shi yu shi), exert subjective initiative, have the courage to take responsibility, strengthen the awareness of potential dangers, adhere to bottom-line thinking, and be prepared for struggle.

IV. Research on the "Two Establishments" and the "Two Upholds" The Third Historical Resolution of the Party points out: "The Party has established Comrade Xi Jinping’s core position on the Party Central Committee and in the Party as a whole and established the guiding role of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era. This reflects the common will of the Party, the military, and the Chinese people of all ethnic groups, and is of decisive significance for advancing the cause of the Party and the country in the New Era and for driving forward the historic process of national rejuvenation." The resolution on the Constitution of the Communist Party of China (Revised) adopted by the 20th Party Congress emphasized that the "Two Establishments" are major political achievements made by the Party in the New Era. The theoretical community has conducted in-depth research on the historical background, theoretical basis, decisive significance, scientific connotation, and practical requirements of the "Two Establishments," and new progress has also been made in the theoretical exploration of the "Two Upholds."

  1. The Decisive Significance of the "Two Establishments" The theoretical community generally believes that the "Two Establishments" are the decisive factors in promoting historical achievements and historical shifts in the cause of the Party and the country. Qu Qingshan argues that the "Two Establishments" are the fundamental reason for creating the great achievements of socialism with Chinese characteristics in the New Era. Li Junru argues that for a Party leadership collective, leadership without a core is unreliable. The "Two Establishments" are the prerequisite and key to grasping the fundamental trend of socialism with Chinese characteristics in the 21st century. Li Shenming argues that the "Two Establishments" laid a solid ideological, theoretical, political, organizational, and public opinion foundation for the successful convening of the 20th National Congress of the CPC. Resolutely achieving the "Two Upholds" is the lifeblood for our Party and country to seize unprecedented opportunities and respond to rare challenges in the coming years; it is the key to strengthening the Party's political building and winning a new period of strategic opportunity. Yan Xiaofeng argues that the "Two Establishments" have strengthened the political, institutional, and organizational advantages for realizing socialist modernization and the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, providing an action guide for these goals. Wu Xueqin argues that the "Two Establishments" embody the basic principles of Marxism regarding the dialectical relationship between the masses and leaders, and between social existence and social consciousness. They embody the people-centered law of development, meet the needs of the era for the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, and comply with the practical requirements of modernizing the national governance system and governance capacity.

  2. The Historical Inevitability of the "Two Establishments"

The academic community has researched and interpreted the historical inevitability of the New Era's "Two Establishments" through multiple lenses, including theoretical, historical, and practical logic. Jin Minqing argues that the "Two Establishments" represent a profound summation of the experiences and lessons of the international communist movement, an inheritance and promotion of the CPC’s century-long tradition of development, and a conscious grasp of the inevitable requirements for the development of the Party and state undertakings in the New Era; thus, they possess a deep historical basis and a solid realistic foundation. Zhang Donggang contends that the "Two Establishments" have roots in Marxist theory, embody the theoretical consciousness of the CPC, and represent the inheritance, development, and innovation of Marxist theory on the new journey of the New Era. Li Binxing posits that the "Two Establishments" are an inevitable choice for adhering to the Marxist materialist conception of history, for summarizing the experience of the Party's centennial history, and for advancing the undertakings of the Party and the state in the New Era. From a future-oriented dimension, Qu Qingshan argues that the "Two Establishments" are an urgent necessity for responding to the world's changes unseen in a century [11], preventing and responding to various risks and challenges, and performing well on the "new journey to face the tests" [12]. Shen Quanxin argues that the "Two Establishments" serve as a "baton" to effectively prevent and resolve current risks and challenges in the ideological field, a "booster" for moving Party building to a higher stage in the New Era, and a "source of power" for realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.

  1. Supporting the "Two Establishments" and Achieving the "Two Upholds" The "Two Establishments" constitute a major political conclusion drawn from a profound summation of the Party's century of struggle, especially the great practice since the 18th CPC National Congress, and they embody the common will of the entire Party, the military, and the people of all ethnic groups throughout the country. Li Yi argues that awareness of the "Two Upholds" must be strengthened within the process of deepening the understanding of the decisive significance of the "Two Establishments." Han Xiping contends that resolute support for the "Two Establishments" and the resolute achievement of the "Two Upholds" must be transformed into proactive actions that focus precisely on solving the problems of the times, into dedication and contribution through fulfilling duties and pioneering innovation, and into practical actions of overcoming difficulties and doing solid work. Gong Yutao believes that by strengthening ideological arming, tempering political character, and reinforcing the assumption of responsibility in one’s duties, the ideological, political, and behavioral consciousness of Party members and cadres in achieving the "Two Upholds" can be enhanced. Chen Li argues that to support the "Two Establishments" and achieve the "Two Upholds" under the new situation, one must consciously become a firm believer and faithful practitioner of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, maintain the political character of eternal loyalty to the Party, and continuously improve political capacity.

V. Research on Xi Jinping’s Five Major Important Thoughts In 2022, the theoretical community conducted more in-depth research on Xi Jinping’s thinking on strengthening the military, economic thinking, thinking on ecological civilization, thinking on diplomacy, and thinking on the rule of law. Looking at research outputs, the academic community has focused more on excavating the political, legal, academic, rational, and philosophical logic contained within these five major important thoughts, and has paid greater attention to researching specific issues from the grand perspectives of the "greater view of history," the "two overall situations" [13], and the "top priorities of the nation" [14].

  1. Research on Xi Jinping Thinking on Strengthening the Military The theoretical community conducted research around themes such as the background, developmental trajectory, theoretical origins, and scientific methodology of Xi Jinping thinking on strengthening the military. Liu Guangming and others believe that Xi Jinping thinking on strengthening the military inherits and develops the CPC’s guiding ideology, principles, and policies for building and governing the military, absorbs the essence of excellent traditional Chinese military culture, draws on the outstanding achievements of world military theory, possesses a systematic and complete theoretical system, and contains a rich scientific methodology. Zhao Zhouxian argues that Xi Jinping thinking on strengthening the military scientifically answers a series of major questions on how to build a people's military that follows the Party’s command, can win battles, and has a fine style of work [15]—providing strategic support for persisting in and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics and realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation—under the contemporary conditions of the world undergoing changes unseen in a century and China being in a critical stage of developing from "big" to "strong." Ling Shengyin contends that Xi Jinping thinking on strengthening the military creatively proposed a series of major theoretical viewpoints and strategic measures, such as the necessity of a strong military for a strong country, the Party's goal of strengthening the military in the New Era, the layout for strengthening the military, the comprehensive improvement of the ability to prepare for and win wars in the New Era, the building of an innovative people's military, and the construction of an integrated national strategic system and capacity. It has creatively developed the principles and systems of the Party's absolute leadership over the military and developed Marxist military dialectics. Long Feng believes that Xi Jinping thinking on strengthening the military is the practical experience and crystallization of wisdom of the CPC’s military construction and governance in the New Era, which has reinvigorated political discipline, reorganized the pattern of struggle, reconstructed the construction layout, and rebuilt the image of the military's style of work.

  2. Research on Xi Jinping Economic Thinking The Outline for the Study of Xi Jinping Economic Thinking, published in June 2022, systematically explains the basic spirit, content, and requirements of Xi Jinping economic thinking, comprehensively reflecting the original contributions of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era in the economic field. The theoretical community conducted research on topics such as the fundamental guarantee, fundamental position, historical orientation, guiding principles, path selection, distinct themes, institutional foundations, strategic measures, and innovation-driven development of China's economic development. Shi Taifeng argues that Xi Jinping economic thinking is the latest theoretical achievement of Marxist political economy in contemporary China and the 21st-century world, and is the concentrated expression of the practical and theoretical innovations in governance by the CPC Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core within the economic sphere. Han Baojiang contends that why China develops in the New Era, what kind of development it aims for, how to achieve high-quality development, and how to guarantee high-quality development constitute the basic questions of Xi Jinping economic thinking. Yu Bin believes that Xi Jinping economic thinking firmly grasps the essence of human social production and the principal contradiction in our society in the New Era; its essential characteristic lies in basing itself on the real economy to meet the people's needs. Chen Jingbiao argues that General Secretary Xi Jinping’s important expositions on economic globalization enrich and develop the theory of the world economy in Marxist political economy, surpassing Western economic globalization theories, and serve as an action guide for promoting the healthy development of economic globalization, improving global economic governance, and advancing China's opening-up in the New Era. Liu Shouying and others believe that the connotation of Xi Jinping economic thinking still requires further academic explanation and expression by China's economic circles to accelerate the construction of a 21st-century economics with Chinese characteristics, making it a theoretical and discourse system with world influence.

  3. Research on Xi Jinping Thinking on Ecological Civilization The Outline for the Study of Xi Jinping Thinking on Ecological Civilization, published in July 2022, systematically explains the core tenets, spiritual essence, rich connotation, and practical requirements of Xi Jinping thinking on ecological civilization. The theoretical community conducted research on themes such as the fundamental guarantee, core concepts, purpose and requirements, strategic paths, systemic concepts, institutional guarantees, social forces, and global initiatives of ecological civilization construction. Zhang Hui and others believe that China's ecological civilization construction has undergone historic, transitional, and global changes in both understanding and practice, the root of which lies in the scientific guidance of Xi Jinping thinking on ecological civilization and the leadership of the CPC Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core. Huang Chengliang and others argue that Xi Jinping thinking on ecological civilization is both an inheritance and promotion of Marxist ideas on the relationship between man and nature, and fundamentally demonstrates the Marxist value pursuit of putting the people first. Zhang Yunfei and others contend that Xi Jinping thinking on ecological civilization views mountains, rivers, forests, farmlands, lakes, grasslands, sands, and ice as an indivisible ecological system and a community of life, requiring the integrated protection and systematic management of these elements. It insists on carrying out ecological civilization construction in an all-round, all-territory, and all-process manner. This is an innovative application and development of the systemic methodology of dialectical materialism in the field of ecological civilization and a significant contribution of Xi Jinping thinking on ecological civilization to dialectical materialism. Ye Haitao believes that the basic logic and theoretical system of Xi Jinping thinking on ecological civilization are shaped by the value concept of harmonious coexistence between man and nature, the basic approach of systems thinking, and the implementation guarantee of the strictest systems and the most rigorous rule of law.

  4. Research on Xi Jinping Thinking on Diplomacy The Selected Diplomatic Speeches of Xi Jinping (Volumes I and II), published in May 2022, provided precious primary materials for deepening research on Xi Jinping thinking on diplomacy. The theoretical community continued academic exploration of its core tenets, intellectual origins, theoretical system, philosophical implications, and contemporary significance. Guo Shuyong believes that the "four beams and eight pillars" [16] of Xi Jinping thinking on diplomacy have been formed. Its theoretical content mainly includes the judgment that the world has entered a period of turbulence and transformation; the further enrichment and perfection of the concept of a community with a shared future for humanity; the proposal to promote Chinese-path modernization and create a new form of human civilization; the emphasis on promoting the common values of all humanity; the continued promotion of high-quality Belt and Road cooperation; and the proposal of the Global Development Initiative and the Global Security Initiative. Zhao Kejin and others argue that Xi Jinping thinking on diplomacy, as a constitutive theory, is the theoretical foundation of major-country diplomacy with Chinese characteristics; the theory of community, as an explanatory theory, is the academic foundation of major-country diplomacy with Chinese characteristics, and is the product of the creative transformation and innovative development of the traditional Chinese "All-under-Heaven" (tianxia) worldview. As a vital component of Xi Jinping thinking on diplomacy, the topic of "promoting the building of a community with a shared future for humanity" remains a "hot" area of research. Wan Junran argues that "building a community with a shared future for humanity" is superior to existing concepts such as "universalism," "worldism," and "globalism" in terms of theoretical explanatory power and thoroughness, representing contemporary China's latest understanding of human modernity. Wu Zhicheng and others believe that the advanced worldview of a community with a shared future for humanity—based on the objective reality of a shared destiny in the global village era and the holistic consensus and inclusive nature of "the world as one family"—transcends time, space, issue areas, and political systems, becoming a contemporary expression of the Party's concern for the world. Liu Tongfang argues that as an ideal form and order of universal interaction, the community with a shared future for humanity constructs the actual perception of interacting subjects, the differentiation and complementarity of interaction content, and the value symbiosis of the purpose of interaction, achieving a creative reshaping of universal interaction relations.

  5. Research on Xi Jinping Thinking on the Rule of Law Xi Jinping thinking on the rule of law systematically answers the major epochal question of the comprehensive rule of law in the New Era, forming an ideological system centered on the "Eleven Points of Persistence," which possesses distinct characteristics of the times. Zhang Wenxian believes that Xi Jinping thinking on the rule of law manifests distinct features such as the political resolve of the Party’s comprehensive leadership, the fundamental position of being people-centered, the firm belief in strengthening the country through law, the practical rationality of seeking truth from facts, the systemic concept of comprehensive advancement, the precise and sophisticated dialectical method, the cultural heritage bridging past and present, the rule of law layout coordinating domestic and international affairs, a rule of law mindset that respects the law and follows reason, and the theoretical character of upholding the fundamentals and breaking new ground. Li Lin argues that Xi Jinping thinking on the rule of law contains profound institutional theory, rich institutional practice, and deep institutional logic, emphasizing that institutions possess greater fundamentality, stability, and longevity. Duan Fan contends that General Secretary Xi Jinping creatively pointed out the practical directions for opening the path of socialist rule of law with Chinese characteristics, innovating rule of law theory, improving the rule of law system, and developing rule of law culture, while also creatively directing the construction of a "Rule of Law China" in the process of comprehensively building a modern socialist country. Qiu Shuiping argues that the vivid guidance provided by Xi Jinping thinking on the rule of law proves that the path of rule of law modernization in Western countries is not the only path; it is entirely possible for countries to explore a modernization path for the rule of law suited to their own political practices based on their own historical and cultural traditions and actual national conditions. Chen Baifeng believes that Xi Jinping thinking on the rule of law profoundly elucidates the political direction, fundamental position, correct path, and institutional basis of the comprehensive rule of law, overseeing the strategic overall situation and the epochal direction of Chinese-path rule of law modernization.

VI. Research on Whole-Process People's Democracy Democracy is a common value of all humanity, and people's democracy is the lifeblood of socialism. To build a modern socialist country in all respects, we must adhere to the principal position of the people, fully reflect the will of the people, and develop whole-process people's democracy. The report to the 20th CPC National Congress emphasized: "Whole-process people's democracy is the defining feature of socialist democracy; it is democracy in its broadest, most genuine, and most effective form." In 2022, the enthusiasm of the theoretical community for researching General Secretary Xi Jinping’s important expositions on whole-process people's democracy remained high, focusing on topics such as the political advantages of whole-process people's democracy and the criteria for judging true versus sham democracy.

  1. The Superiority of Whole-Process People's Democracy

The theoretical community generally believes that whole-process people’s democracy under the socialist system represents a transcendence of capitalist democracy and is a new form of democracy superior to it. Xin Xiangyang expounded upon "four criteria" for testing true versus sham democracy: the distinction depends on the authenticity of voting rights, and even more on the breadth of the right to participation; on oral promises made during elections, and even more on the fulfillment of commitments after elections; on political procedures and regularity, and even more on the enforceability of systems and laws; and on the democratic nature of the rules and procedures of power operation, and even more on the people’s constraint over power. According to these "four criteria," whole-process people’s democracy is the only true democracy. Lin Yi argues that countries developing democracy along non-Westernized paths must not only hold the bottom line of the feasibility of democratic development, but also construct an empirical-reflexive dimension targeting the failure of Western democracy by clarifying misunderstandings of Western democracy, explaining the trends of non-Westernized development, critiquing Western democratic practice, and summarizing the lessons of "democratization." Chen Huaiping argues that whole-process people’s democracy transcends the "hollowing out" of the people in Western democracy through the authentic "presence" of the people; transcends the "dormant democracy" of the West through a logic of full-chain participation; transcends the value fragmentation of competitive gaming in Western democracy by upholding the common value of the people as masters of the country; and transcends the constrained inefficiency of Western democracy through practical efficacy that is authentic, effective, orderly, and efficient.

  1. The Core Essence of Whole-Process People's Democracy

The fourth volume of Xi Jinping: The Governance of China includes a series of important discourses by General Secretary Xi Jinping on whole-process people’s democracy, profoundly revealing its rich connotations and core essence. Li Heliang and others believe that the core essence of General Secretary Xi Jinping’s important discourses on people’s democracy can be summarized as: pursuing the supremacy of the people in terms of values; persisting in taking a new path of Chinese-path democracy in terms of road selection; focusing on unique forms and distinct advantages in terms of democratic realization; and advancing the construction of whole-process people’s democracy in terms of institutional practice. Chen Jiangang and others argue that, under the leadership of the Communist Party of China, a mechanism for balancing holistic and individual interests—centered on the expression of demands, integration of interests, and distribution of power—was created, along with specific links such as democratic election, decision-making, management, and supervision. By integrating democratic consultation throughout all these links, the operating system of whole-process people's democracy was constructed. Yang Yuanhao and others believe that whole-process people’s democracy constitutes the political guarantee and effective channel for people’s livelihoods [17] in the New Era, which is centrally reflected in the necessary connections between the two in terms of internal logic, values, institutional systems, development drivers, and realization paths. Hu Yuhong argues that "continuous democracy" means a mechanism where democracy is sequential and uninterrupted in stage, time, and space; "authentic democracy" is reflected in giving the masses more channels and ways to participate in the management of state and social affairs, with a focus on protecting the rights and legitimate interests of the minority; "broad democracy" means that the people can participate comprehensively and deeply in the management of state, social, and their own affairs; and "consultative democracy" takes "consultation" [18] as its form, "authenticity" as its standard, and "consensus" as its goal. Sang Yucheng argues that the view that whole-process people’s democracy does not need to emphasize electoral democracy is erroneous and harmful.

  1. The Practical Requirements of Whole-Process People's Democracy

Democracy is not a decorative ornament, but is used to solve the people’s actual problems. How to implement the concept of whole-process people’s democracy has become a major focus in the theoretical community. Wang Chen argues that developing whole-process people’s democracy must follow four principles: upholding the leadership of the CPC, upholding the principal status of the people, upholding the comprehensive rule of law, and adhering to the Chinese path. Wang Zongli and others believe that the leadership of the CPC is the fundamental guarantee of whole-process people’s democracy; the people-centered nature is its essential characteristic; the system of political institutions centered on the People’s Congress system is its important carrier; and the orderly participation of the people in politics is its practical form. Tong Dezhi argues that to exert the synergetic effect of whole-process people’s democracy, it is necessary to attract more subjects into the democratic process, continuously adopt other effective democratic mechanisms, and steadily expand the coverage of democratic objects. Zhang Yu argues that democratic education is the foundational project for developing whole-process people’s democracy, and the lessons of democratic knowledge and literacy must be systematically made up. Zhao Chunli argues that, using the discourse innovation of whole-process people’s democracy as a lever, China’s international discourse power in democracy should be progressively enhanced through academic self-awareness, institutional performance, international communication, and publicity and education.

VII. Research on the Realization of Common Prosperity

Achieving common prosperity is an essential requirement of socialism with Chinese characteristics. Since the 18th Party Congress, and especially since the 19th Party Congress, General Secretary Xi Jinping has delivered a series of important speeches on solidly promoting common prosperity, forming a complete theoretical and logical system. The report to the 20th Party Congress mentioned "common prosperity" eight times, emphasizing that "achieving common prosperity for all" is one of the essential requirements of Chinese-path modernization. Centering on General Secretary Xi Jinping’s important discourses on achieving common prosperity, the theoretical community has carried out in-depth research from different disciplinary perspectives.

  1. Multidimensional Interpretation of the Connotation of Common Prosperity

General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized: "Common prosperity as we define it is common prosperity for all the people; it is a prosperity in which the people’s material and spiritual lives are both enriched. It is not prosperity for a few, nor is it a uniform egalitarianism." The theoretical community has conducted extensive discussions on the "justice" and "efficiency" dimensions of common prosperity. Gao Peiyong believes that promoting common prosperity is not only an economic issue, but also affects all aspects of social reproduction and all areas of state governance; it must be rooted in the soil of the socialist market economy. Zhou Wen and others believe that "common prosperity" is a holistic concept—a developmental upgrade that follows the "moderately prosperous society in all respects" [19] and serves as the goal for the new stage of socialist modernization. Zhao Liyun and others believe that General Secretary Xi Jinping’s important discourses on common prosperity establish a realistic path for realizing the Marxist vision of an ideal society, providing Chinese wisdom and a Chinese solution for solving the problem of the wealth gap. Tian Chaowei argues that common prosperity is the common prosperity of all Chinese people, a prosperity of well-rounded human development, and a gradual process realized in stages. Yu Jianxing and others argue that the common prosperity governance system covers multiple social subsystems and fields, including high-quality development, the construction of an olive-shaped social structure (large middle class), high-quality shared public services, cultural development, digital development, and green development.

  1. Common Prosperity of Spiritual Life

Achieving common prosperity in spiritual life is a major original concept of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era. The theoretical community has also proposed a concept corresponding to material poverty alleviation: "psychological poverty alleviation." Gong Tianping and others argue that spiritual prosperity in the ethical dimension refers to a rich moral life, including the universal enhancement of moral activity capabilities, the multidimensional expansion of moral interaction, and the full display of moral freedom and individuality. Zhou Quan and others argue that the common prosperity of spiritual life contains multiple levels of value pursuit, from the minimum value pursuit of meeting basic survival needs to the high-level pursuit of resolving human rational and spiritual development—all of which inherently characterize the CPC’s ultimate value pursuit of promoting the free and well-rounded development of individuals within the common prosperity of material and spiritual life. Bai Lu argues that a psychological life of self-esteem, self-confidence, rationality, composure, and optimism; a cultural life of harmony, diversity, elegance, civilization, openness, and inclusiveness; and a life of faith that is meaningful, soul-enriching, sublime, and steadfast, constitute the basic form of spiritual common prosperity in the New Era. Li Bixiong and others argue that the emergence of free time is a necessary condition for spiritual common prosperity, the construction of harmonious labor is an inevitable requirement, and the association of free labor is the value orientation.

  1. The Path to Realizing Common Prosperity

The report to the 20th Party Congress put forward clear requirements for building an institutional system where primary distribution, redistribution, and third distribution [20] are coordinated and integrated, and for increasing the intensity of regulation through taxation, social security, and transfer payments. We must recognize the long-term, arduous, and complex nature of achieving common prosperity, handle the relationship between "making the cake bigger" and "dividing the cake well," and persist in an effective path of gradual progress and tailoring measures to local conditions to ensure that all deployments for common prosperity take root and produce results. Wang Shuqin argues that achieving common prosperity faces a series of risks and challenges, such as unbalanced regional economic development, the urban-rural income gap, the "middle-income trap," and the warning levels of the Gini coefficient. Lu Pinyue argues that common prosperity must be promoted in stages, laying the material foundation through shared development and establishing a vibrant olive-shaped social income structure that both encourages wealth creation and allows for the sharing of development fruits. Luo Jian argues that advancing common prosperity requires applying the method of the unity of opposites, adhering to the combination of "acting within one's means" and "doing one's utmost," striving for the combination of "making the cake bigger" and "dividing the cake well," and persisting in the combination of following the trend and advancing against the wind, while balancing pilot programs with comprehensive promotion. Sun Bochi and others believe that China’s pro-poor growth has achieved synchronized rapid development and large-scale poverty reduction, as well as synchronized economic transformation and the elimination of extreme poverty. Inclusive policies have provided policy preference and basic guarantees for tens of millions of impoverished people. Yang Sui and others argue for further improving a developmental, adaptive, and sustainable social security system, highlighting its function in promoting social equity and shared development fruits, with a focus on narrowing the urban-rural, regional, and demographic gaps in social security. Xiao Xiao argues that we must ensure stable growth of the national economy, promote the healthy development of new forms of employment, strengthen guidance and regulation of wealth-generating behavior, and push for solid steps in rural revitalization; we must persist in the orientation of the basic socialist economic system, the supremacy of the people, high-quality development, and scientific methods to solidly promote common prosperity.

VIII. Research on the Second Answer to Escaping the Historical Cycle

More than 70 years ago, Mao Zedong discussed with Huang Yanpei [21] how to escape the historical cycle of "rising and falling, order and chaos." The answer he gave at that time was: "Let the people supervise the government." Since the 18th Party Congress, General Secretary Xi Jinping has spoken about the historical cycle many times, profoundly pointing out: "Through a century of struggle, and especially through new practices since the 18th Party Congress, our Party has given a second answer: that is, self-revolution." The fourth volume of Xi Jinping: The Governance of China includes ten important documents in the chapter "Leading Great Social Revolution with Great Self-Revolution," providing authoritative material for the academic community to study Xi Jinping’s important discourses on self-revolution. The theoretical community has conducted research on the New Era significance of the strategic thought on self-revolution, the relationship between self-revolution and social revolution, the relationship between self-revolution and people’s supervision, and the use of self-revolution to solve the unique challenges facing a large Party.

  1. Historical Origins and New Era Significance of the Strategic Thought on Self-Revolution

In January 2022, the Sixth Plenary Session of the 19th Central Commission for Discipline Inspection explicitly put forward the "nine persistences" as a systematic understanding of the laws of self-revolution and the "six musts" as principled requirements. Yang Xiaoshan believes that the formation and development of General Secretary Xi Jinping’s strategic thought on the Party’s self-revolution originates from Marxist Party-building theory, from the historical experience of the CPC’s century of struggle, and from the great practice of comprehensively and strictly governing the Party in the New Era. She Xiang argues that General Secretary Xi Jinping’s strategic thought on the Party’s self-revolution answers the historical question of "how to escape the historical cycle" and the question of the times, "whither the CPC?", making an original contribution to the Marxist theory of social revolution and Marxist Party-building theory. Chu Xianghong argues that the strategic thought on self-revolution is the inheritance and development of Marxist Party-building theory, a scientific summary of the Party’s century-long historical experience, the basic compliance for comprehensively and strictly governing the Party, and the path to success for the Party’s long-term governance. Zhou Jiabin believes that Xi Jinping’s strategic thought on the Party’s self-revolution systematically answers major questions in the New Era concerning the supreme principles, fundamental position, strategic policy, main keynote, political direction, ideological weapons, organizational basis, effective paths, urgent tasks, institutional guarantees, and the key crux of advancing the Party’s self-revolution. Qi Weiping argues that General Secretary Xi Jinping’s strategic thought on the Party's self-revolution reveals that self-revolution is a distinct character of the CPC and the fundamental reason the Party wins the hearts of the people, clarifying the internal drive and major significance of self-revolution.

  1. The "Two Revolutions" and "Two Answers"

Regarding the relationship between self-revolution and social revolution: Zhou Xinqun argues that throughout the ten years of great transformation in the New Era, our Party has identified a path to "become strong" by relying on continuous self-revolution to strengthen the Party and continuous social revolution to strengthen the country. This path uses the Party’s self-revolution to lead social revolution and the strengthening of the Party to lead the strengthening of the country, further deepening our understanding of the Party's revolutionary nature. Ren Xiaowei believes that to fundamentally shape a sustainable, benign relationship and an orderly pattern between the construction of the governing party and social development, we must think about and explore the new connotations and methods of social revolution based on the goal of comprehensively building a great modern socialist country, while continuing to focus on self-revolution to persistently advance Party building. Zhou Suya argues that the two great revolutions must be advanced in a coordinated manner, using the Party’s self-revolution to lead the great social revolution, and using the great social revolution to promote the great self-revolution.

Regarding the relationship between the "first answer" and the "second answer" for escaping the historical cycle [22]: Huang Feng and others believe that democratic supervision and self-revolution are complementary, dialectically unified concepts. Lyu Yongxiang argues that the "two answers" embody an organic unity of inheritance and development in content; a division of labor and synergy between self-discipline and heteronomy in their mechanism of action; and a continuity and development between consolidating the Party's governance and achieving long-term governance in the themes of the times. Chen Mingfan and others believe the "two answers" are unified in the CPC’s accurate grasp of historical trends, the "people-centered" value philosophy, and the great practice of building a long-term governing Marxist party. Ding Zhongyi argues that on the "new journey to face new tests" [23] to achieve the Second Centenary Goal, it is necessary to leverage the positive effects of the two answers in promoting each other, facilitate the coordinated development of whole-process people's democracy and the Party's self-revolution, and better demonstrate the significant advantages and governance efficacy of the system of socialism with Chinese characteristics.

3. Resolving the unique challenges of a large party through self-revolution

The Report to the 20th CPC National Congress emphasized: "We must persistently advance the comprehensive and strict governance of the Party, deeply promote the new great project of Party building in the New Era, and lead social revolution through the Party's self-revolution." Facing a still grave and complex anti-corruption struggle and the continued presence of conduct and disciplinary issues within the Party, the Party’s self-revolution is always a work in progress. Zhen Zhanmin and others believe we must use the certainty of self-revolution to respond to increasing uncertainties, maintain a powerful momentum for self-revolution, overcome the challenges of the "labor pains" of self-revolution, and promote an overall upgrade in the level of Party building. Yang Xiaodu believes we must continue to improve the institutional and regulatory system for the Party's self-revolution and strengthen its institutional guarantees. This includes improving a supervision system under the Party’s unified leadership that provides full coverage, authority, and efficiency; promoting political supervision that is specific, precise, and normalized; enhancing the effectiveness of supervision over "top leaders" [24] and leadership teams; leveraging the role of political inspection as a "sharp sword"; and implementing the political responsibility for comprehensively and strictly governing the Party. Xin Xiangyang argues that through a rigorous and effective institutional system of self-revolution, the Party must ensure it never represents the interests of any interest group, power group, or privileged stratum; it must thoroughly eliminate the "seven subversions" [25], focus on corruption cases involving the entanglement of political and economic issues, and resolutely resolve privileged thinking and the phenomenon of seeking privileges. Wu Guanghui and others believe that to advance the Party’s self-revolution, we must maintain and carry forward the spirit of self-revolution, improve and strengthen the capacity for self-revolution, refine the systems and mechanisms of self-revolution, and temper a core cadre force dedicated to self-revolution.

IX. Research on the Path of Chinese-Path Modernization and the New Form of Human Civilization

The Report to the 20th CPC National Congress systematically expounded that Chinese-path modernization possesses Chinese characteristics based on its own national conditions: it is the modernization of a huge population, of common prosperity for all, of material and cultural-ethical advancement, of harmony between humanity and nature, and of peaceful development. In 2022, the theoretical community conducted comprehensive and thematic research on its theoretical connotations, essential requirements, practical paths, innovative contributions, and civilizational foundations.

1. The theoretical character of Chinese-path modernization

The formation of the path of Chinese-path modernization possesses its own unique theoretical, historical, and practical logic. Chen Jinlong believes that Chinese-path modernization has advanced the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, led the development of world socialism, provided a new choice for developing countries to achieve modernization, and created a new form of human civilization. Zang Fengyu argues that the path of Chinese-path modernization embodies the laws of socialist construction and the laws of human social development, promoting the creative transformation and innovative development of fine traditional Chinese culture. Wu Zhongmin believes the CPC’s view of modernization emphasizes people-centered modernization, the decisive role of modern productive forces, great importance on opening up to the outside world, importance on comprehensive, coordinated, and sustainable modernization, and importance on preventing systemic social risks. Shen Xiangping argues that the path of Chinese-path modernization is inherited and developed from over 5,000 years of Chinese civilization and its accumulated fine traditional Chinese culture; the concepts and practices of "neutrality, harmony, and proper placement" [26] constitute its inner depth and important genes. Xin Xiangyang believes that Chinese-path modernization possesses originality, democracy, and globality, which are important reasons why it can advance the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. Yang Ronggang argues that the path of Chinese-path modernization embodies the dialectical unity of universality and particularity, comprehensiveness and coordination, objective necessity and subjective choice, and nationality and globality. Zhao Yiliang believes that Chinese-path modernization takes the modernization of the person as its theme and the free and comprehensive development of the person and human liberation as its fundamental value pursuits; in practice, it has opened a modernization path that replaces "material-centeredness" with "person-centeredness" and features the coordinated progress of "human-nature-society."

2. The theoretical basis and world contribution of the new form of human civilization

The theoretical community is committed to answering where the "newness" of the new form of human civilization lies, its essential difference from Western views of civilization, and its global contributions. Xin Xiangyang believes the newness lies in the CPC’s spirit of "having the whole world in mind" to ensure human civilization moves toward progress; in its push for exchanges and mutual learning between civilizations based on Chinese civilization; and in its drive toward new progress for human civilization directed by the building of a great modern socialist country. Lin Jianhua believes the "newness" created by the CPC and the Chinese people is reflected in its status as a socialist civilizational form, a form that telah modernized Chinese civilization for the contemporary age, and a form that contains the path of Chinese-path modernization and whole-process people's democracy, possessing rich Chinese characteristics and distinct world significance. Feng Ziyi argues that the new form of human civilization has expanded upon existing human civilization, changed its pattern, broadened its developmental path, guided its direction, injected new momentum, and reshaped its developmental methods. Wu Hongzheng believes that the new form of human civilization initiated by the CPC has developed the world-history theory of Marx and Engels, occupied the commanding heights of world history amidst the changes unseen in a century, led the trend toward building a community with a shared future for humanity, and advanced the world-historical process of scientific socialism. Wang Zheng argues that the new form of human civilization has overcome the ills of modern Western civilization, such as atomistic individualism, the "iron cage" of instrumental rationality, soft despotism, technocentrism, secularism, and nihilism, greatly elevating the level of human civilization. Tian Xuming believes that the new form of human civilization has shaped new vitality for the development of Chinese civilization, solidified faith in the Marxist theory of an ideal form of civilization, demonstrated the CPC’s strong leadership capacity, and constructed an original and leading Chinese discourse, while providing Chinese experience and wisdom for building a better world. Yan Xiaofeng believes that creating a new form of human civilization makes a major contribution to developing 21st-century Marxism and reviving scientific socialism, solves many difficult problems of social development, and creates a civilizational form of socialist modernization. Qi Si argues that the new form of human civilization created under CPC leadership has profoundly changed the historical situation where "the East is subordinate to the West" and the balance of power between socialism and capitalism, causing the changes unseen in a century to accelerate toward the trend of "the East rising and the West declining."

3. Chinese-path modernization’s transcendence of the logic of capitalist civilization

Chinese-path modernization has resolved the paradox between modernity and national independence, achieving a transcendence over the logic of capitalist civilization. Liu Jun and others believe the capitalist path to modernization is by no means the predetermined logic or "universal" form of civilizational development. The path of Chinese-path modernization is people-centered, emphasizes the comprehensive advancement of the "Five-Sphere Integrated Plan"—material, political, cultural-ethical, social, and ecological civilizations—insists on the path of peaceful development, and commits to building a community with a shared future for humanity. It transcends the developmental logic of capitalist civilization and opens a brighter prospect for human progress. Gong Yun believes the successful practice of Chinese-path modernization has factually declared the end of the "end of history," "Western-centrism," and the "clash of civilizations," profoundly changing the global landscape and influencing the trends of world history. Liu Xukuan argues for a deep understanding of how the new form of human civilization essentially transcends existing civilizations, corrects the civilizational inequality of "the East being subordinate to the West," and creates a "real community" [27] that transcends the "illusory community" of Western modernity. Tang Aijun believes the path of Chinese-path modernization has deconstructed Western modernization's hegemony and initiated a new type of modernity different from the Western variety. Its effects are seen not only in driving profound changes in the global landscape and providing a new choice for developing countries, but more importantly in actively answering the "questions of the world" and undertaking the world-historical task of leading the direction of world civilization. Chen Shuguang believes that China’s peaceful rise means far more than just economic success; on a deeper level, it represents the rise of a new form of human civilization, presenting the first real challenge to Western-centrism after its several hundred years of global dominance.

4. The practical path for advancing Chinese-path modernization

The Report to the 20th CPC National Congress noted: "Comprehensively building a modern socialist country is a great and arduous undertaking. Our future is bright, but we have a long way to go." Chinese-path modernization is an ongoing process rather than a past event, and the theoretical community has actively offered suggestions for its advancement. Zhou Kanglin believes that from a practical methodology perspective, Chinese-path modernization mainly includes combining seeking truth from facts with far-sightedness, combining overall advancement with key breakthroughs, combining strategic thinking with bottom-line thinking, combining the "visible hand" with the "invisible hand," and combining independence with reform and opening up. Hong Yinguo argues that the simultaneous advancement of new-type industrialization, informatization, urbanization, and agricultural modernization is a unique Chinese creation. This requires not only an accurate grasp of the new content of these "four modernizations" in the New Era but also attention to the modernization leap of rural and underdeveloped areas in accordance with the requirements of common prosperity, establishing a modern system of coordinated regional development that demonstrates the synergy of advantages. Yan Jiyu and others believe the CPC has opened the path of Chinese-path modernization and led the people in constructing the framework of a modern "new state": a sovereign state that maintains independence within the international system; a modern state of the Chinese nation that integrates multiple ethnic groups and carries the overall development of the country; and a strong, democratic, and prosperous socialist state that embodies the "people-centered nature." Wu Zhongmin believes that Chinese-path modernization must coordinately promote the logic of market competition and the logic of social protection, transforming the tension between the two into a strong endogenous driver for modernization and transcending the "trap of capital supremacy" and the "trap of excessive welfare." Han Baojiang and others argue that to realize Chinese-path modernization, high-quality development must be the primary task in comprehensively building a modern socialist country. This involves synergistically advancing the construction of a modern economic system and the building of a new development pattern, modernizing the national governance system and capacity, advancing the building of a rule-of-law China, leading social revolution through the Party's self-revolution, and modernizing the national security system and capacity.

X. Research on the New Development Stage, New Development Philosophy, New Development Pattern, and High-Quality Development

Without a solid material and technical foundation, it is impossible to comprehensively build a powerful socialist modernized country; development remains the Party’s top priority in governing and rejuvenating the country. The new stage of development, the new development philosophy, and the new development landscape are the concrete manifestations of the Communist Party of China's (CPC) "Great View of History" [28] and its perspective on development in the New Era of socialism with Chinese characteristics. Since the moment they were proposed, they have attracted significant attention from theoretical circles. The report to the 20th CPC National Congress emphasized: "We must fully, accurately, and comprehensively implement the new development philosophy, adhere to the reform orientation of the socialist market economy, persist in high-level opening up to the outside world, and accelerate the construction of a new development landscape with the domestic cycle as the mainstay and the domestic and international dual cycles promoting each other." It is foreseeable that for the coming period, research on the new stage of development, the new development philosophy, the new development landscape, and high-quality development will remain at the forefront of theoretical inquiry.

1. Research on the New Stage of Development In 2022, there were relatively few ontological studies on the "new stage of development" itself. The vast majority of research treated the "new stage of development" as a "limiting condition" for related topics, such as: research on promoting common prosperity in the new stage of development; research on the "Four Comprehensives" strategic layout in the new stage of development; research on social governance in the new stage of development; and research on green development in the new stage of development. Theoretical circles mainly conducted research around topics such as the strategic significance, core connotations, and major tasks of the new stage of development. Jiang Hui and others believe that since the founding of New China, and especially since the beginning of reform and opening up, the CPC has made major judgments regarding historical positioning and developmental stages—such as the primary stage of socialism, the New Era of socialism with Chinese characteristics, and the new stage of development. These reflect the dialectical unity of continuity and stages, as well as quantitative and qualitative changes in Chinese social development. They hold great theoretical and practical significance for consciously following the laws and evolutionary logic of contemporary China's development, exerting historical agency [29] and maintaining historical initiative, and conforming to social trends to promote stage-specific leaps and the law-based advancement of Chinese society. Shi Zhenping believes that the new stage of development is an important stage in the process of China’s socialist development, a stage within the primary stage of socialism, and a stage in which China's socialism moves from the primary stage toward a higher stage; the view of treating the primary stage of socialism as something static or eternal is completely erroneous. Yan Xiaofeng believes that the historical positioning of the new stage of development lies in the fact that the primary stage of socialism has reached a new starting point, and its strategic significance is that the historical process of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation has achieved a major leap.

2. Research on the New Development Philosophy The report to the 20th CPC National Congress emphasized: "Implementing the new development philosophy is the path China must take to grow strong in the New Era." In 2022, theoretical circles focused on the scientific connotations, practical value, and implementation paths of the new development philosophy. This included both comprehensive, holistic research and specialized studies focusing on individual concepts within the framework: "innovation, coordination, green development, openness, and sharing." Hou Yanshe believes that the new development philosophy systematically answers a series of important questions concerning the guiding principles, driving forces, paths, modes, goals, and environments for China’s comprehensive realization of a new type of socialist modernization. It centrally addresses core issues regarding the fundamental principles, driving forces, modes, and goals of 21st-century global modernization development, demonstrating the core essentials of the 21st-century Marxist philosophy of development. Hong Yinguo believes that the path of Chinese-path modernization, characterized by the implementation of the new development philosophy, is a successful promotion and expansion of Chinese-path modernization itself and a modernization path unique to a large developing country. Wang Binglin believes that adhering to innovative, coordinated, green, open, and shared development provides a powerful driving force, value goal, and scientific guidance for promoting Chinese-path modernization. Huang Qunhui argues that on the basis of implementing the new development philosophy, further coordinating development and security and adhering to the overall national security outlook constitutes another aspect of the new development philosophy: the philosophy of secure development.

3. Research on the New Development Landscape The report to the 20th CPC National Congress emphasized: "We must organically combine the implementation of the strategy to expand domestic demand with the deepening of supply-side structural reform, enhance the endogenous power and reliability of the domestic cycle, and improve the quality and level of the international cycle." In 2022, theoretical circles were concerned with how to promote common prosperity, achieve rural revitalization, upgrade industrial chains, and build a unified national market within the new development landscape. They continued to approach these issues from the perspectives of connotations, generative logic, and implementation paths, attempting to answer basic questions such as "what is the new development landscape," "why was it proposed," and "how to construct it." Xie Fusheng and others argue that the core of the new development landscape strategy is to clear three major "bottlenecks" [30] in the domestic economic cycle: relative overcapacity, supply failing to meet demand, and "stranglehold" problems in high technology, resources, and energy. Zhang Zhanbin believes that constructing the new development landscape emphasizes a development path of high-level self-reliance and self-improvement led by domestic demand and internal circulation. This presents transitional characteristics: from a dual system to a unified market; from international dependence to the domestic cycle as the mainstay; from high-speed growth to high-quality development; and from unbalanced and inadequate development to balanced and adequate development. Sun Zongwei believes that the new development landscape possesses strategic advantages in maintaining initiative, the advantage of a people-centered development philosophy, theoretical advantages guided by Marxist political economy, and the advantages of a "new-type whole-nation system" [31] for tackling key core technologies.

4. Research on High-Quality Development The report to the 20th CPC National Congress emphasized: "High-quality development is the primary task of building a socialist modernized country in all respects." In 2022, theoretical circles focused on the relationships between carbon peaking and carbon neutrality, green finance, the digital economy, technological innovation, common prosperity, and high-quality development. Zhang Zhanbin and others believe that high-quality economic development is a proactive response to the transition in the principal contradiction [32] of Chinese society in the New Era, a positive adaptation to the transition in the stages of China's economic development, an objective requirement for promoting changes in quality, efficiency, and momentum, an inevitable choice for dealing with the "changes unseen in a century" [33], and the only path to achieving the development goals of the New Era. The Guangdong Provincial Research Center for Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era believes that high-quality development is the theme of China's economic and social development during the "14th Five-Year Plan" period and for an even longer duration. It is a powerful measure to resolve the principal contradiction in our society, an essential requirement of Chinese-path modernization, a realistic necessity for promoting common prosperity, and an inevitable choice for responding to risks and challenges. Zhang Xiaolian believes that to achieve high-quality development, one must anchor the shortcomings of "unbalanced and inadequate" development to build on strengths and compensate for weaknesses, focus on coordinating internal and external factors, optimize the environment, pursue advantages while avoiding disadvantages, act consciously according to economic laws, give play to the people's principal role, and build a high-quality cadre corps capable of shoulder the heavy responsibility of national rejuvenation.

In summary, theoretical research on Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era further deepened in 2022, with a more refined theoretical system, more diverse research methods, and a richer variety of outcomes. The "Decision of the CPC Central Committee on Seriously Studying, Implementing, and Publicizing the Spirit of the 20th CPC National Congress" requires in-depth research into the spirit of the 20th National Congress, extending the depth and breadth of interpretation, and clarifying fuzzy understandings and erroneous views. It is foreseeable that more academic resources will pour into the field of research on Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era. Looking forward to 2023, General Secretary Xi Jinping’s speech at the ceremony marking the 100th anniversary of the founding of the CPC, the Party’s "Third Historical Resolution," [34] and the spirit of the 20th National Congress will remain the key objects of study. Topics such as the "logical structure, generative mechanism, theoretical system, philosophical foundations, and original contributions of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era," "Chinese-path modernization and the new form of human advancement," "the worldview and methodology of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era," "the CPC’s self-revolution," and "achieving common prosperity" will continue to be hotspots for theoretical research. We look forward to the emergence of more high-quality research results on Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era.

(The author is a Master’s supervisor at the School of Marxism, University of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, and Director and Associate Researcher of the Party Building and Party History Research Office of the Institute of Marxism Studies, CASS)

Web Editor: Lianyu Source: Marxist Studies, 2023, No. 1