Li Weiwu: The Concept of "People First" from the Perspective of the Sinicization of Marxist Philosophy

In the report to the 20th National Congress of the CPC, Xi Jinping provided a specialized exposition on the worldview and methodology of the Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era. The primary point therein is "upholding the supremacy of the people," which emphasizes and highlights the concept of the "people first." In a general sense, worldview and methodology constitute important content of philosophy; from the perspective of Marxist philosophy, worldview and methodology are the core contents of dialectical materialism and historical materialism. When discussing the study and practice of Marxism, Xi Jinping explicitly stated: "We must comprehensively master the worldview and methodology of dialectical materialism and historical materialism." Therefore, if we are to achieve a profound and accurate understanding of "upholding the supremacy of the people" as a worldview and methodology, we must treat the "people first" concept as a vital concept of Marxist philosophy and examine and expound upon it within the horizon of the Sinicization of Marxist philosophy. We must demonstrate that this concept contains the philosophical essence of dialectical materialism and historical materialism, embodies the fundamental standpoint and essential attributes of Marxism, and is the "housekeeping skill" ^[1] that Chinese Communists must learn and master. Such an investigation, exposition, and explanation are essentially an inquiry into the nature of the history of philosophy, involving such theoretical domains as the conceptions of history, democracy, the political party, and epistemology within the century-long development of Chinese Marxist philosophy. In other words, only through a philosophical-historical inquiry into these theoretical domains can we achieve a profound and accurate understanding of "upholding the supremacy of the people" as a worldview and methodology.

I. Discovering the Power of the People to Create History through the Transformation of the Conception of History

As a vital concept of Marxist philosophy, the "people first" concept was already emphasized and highlighted by Marx and Engels when they founded the Marxist materialist conception of history. It was precisely due to the founding of the materialist conception of history that the founders of Marxism discovered, amidst the complex and tumultuous movements of social history, the decisive role of material production activities in human survival and development, and the driving role played by the masses—who are primarily engaged in material production—in history. However, looking at the origins of the Sinicization of Marxist philosophy, the Chinese people’s acceptance of the materialist conception of history and their understanding and application of the "people first" concept were realized through ancient Chinese minben ^[2] thought, during the transformation from an idealist conception of history to a materialist one.

Beginning between the Shang and Zhou dynasties, some far-sighted philosophers and wise statesmen had more or less seen the important role played by the masses in the movements of social history, thereby proposing the concept of "valuing the people" (重民) and forming minben thought during the development of ancient Chinese philosophy. After the Opium War, Chinese philosophy underwent a "transformation from antiquity to modernity" (古今之变), achieving a modern transition and a renewal of tradition. Although the ancient minben thought lacked modernity, it maintained vigorous vitality and immense influence during this philosophical transformation due to its realism and practicality, becoming an "intellectual bridge" for introducing Marxism to China. At the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, Marxism began to spread from Europe to China; it was precisely the ancient minben thought that helped the Chinese people understand and accept this unfamiliar wave of thought. In 1899, the Wan Guo Gong Bao (The Globe Magazine), sponsored by the Christian Literature Society for China in Shanghai, serialized a translation of the British sociologist Benjamin Kidd’s Social Evolution (titled Da Tong Xue), co-translated by the British missionary Timothy Richard and the Chinese scholar Cai Erkang. The text stated: "The people are the foundation of the state; this is a clear teaching from antiquity. ... Examining modern schools of thought, there is one known as the 'New Learning of Securing the People' (安民新学). For instance, Marx of Germany focuses on capital." The name "Ma-ke-si" (马客思) in the text was the Chinese transliteration of Marx at the time; "focusing on capital" referred to Marx’s famous work, Das Kapital. This was the first time Marx's name, writings, and thoughts were introduced in China, marking the arrival of Marxism from Europe. From this rudimentary introduction, it is clearly evident that the reason Marxism initially caught the attention of the Chinese was that it was regarded as a "New Learning of Securing the People." This proves that the Chinese at the time, proceeding from their own philosophical tradition, understood and accepted Marxism through the lens of minben thought.

However, the "people first" concept is not, after all, the same as minben thought. In the development of minben thought—from Mencius's "the people are precious, the sovereign is light" to Huang Zongxi’s "the world is the host and the sovereign the guest"—the weight of the people and the role of the masses were only considered within the framework of the monarch governing the country and bringing peace to the world; they did not see the decisive power of the people in the sense of the primary motor of history. The concept of the "people first" in its true sense can only be manifested and highlighted, its essence captured, and its core understood within the framework of the Marxist materialist conception of history. This required the Chinese to transcend minben thought and realize a transformation in their conception of history, thereby establishing the Marxist materialist conception of history within the Chinese intellectual world.

This epoch-making change in the Chinese conception of history, and the subsequent establishment of the "people first" concept within that change, was first realized through the shift in the philosophical thinking of Li Dazhao. Li Dazhao was China’s first Marxist and Marxist philosopher. The hallmark of his philosophical transformation lay in his identification with and acceptance of the Marxist materialist conception of history. Using this brand-new conception of history, he reflected on China’s history and reality, sought China’s future and path, proposed a new vision for a future society, and strove to realize this vision according to China’s actual conditions. The reason Li Dazhao could be the first in China to accept the materialist conception of history was not only due to the profound influence of contemporary factors—such as the rise of the New Culture Movement, the victory of the Russian October Revolution, and the start of Marxism’s entry into the Chinese intellectual world—but also because, prior to accepting the materialist conception of history, he had already formed a unique "History of Min Yi" (民彝史观) ^[3] by absorbing and remolding ancient Chinese minben thought, combining it with modern Western political philosophy and the democratic spirit of the New Culture Movement.

In 1916, Li Dazhao provided a systematic exposition of the Min Yi conception of history in his article "Min Yi and Politics." Li pointed out that the term min yi comes from the Classic of Poetry (Greater Odes: "Zheng Min"), meaning "it is said that when Heaven created the people, there were physical vessels and there must be metaphysical Dao. Dao is li (reason/principle). The life of these people is based on this li as their nature, and they tend toward the ultimate good and stop there." In his view, min yi referred to an innate "metaphysical Dao" existing within the masses. This "Dao" is "li," the basis of the "nature" of the masses themselves, capable of guiding them to strive upward and reach toward the ultimate good. The unity of "Dao," "li," and "nature" in min yi naturally endows the life of the masses with a nature that conforms to reason and strives for goodness. This nature can exert a massive historical effect, breaking through barriers and illuminating the world. In short, min yi is the "heart of the people" (人心). The leaning of this "heart of the people" is not a blind psychological shift of the collective, nor the result of external coercion; rather, it is governed by the inner concept of the good and moral standards of every ordinary person. It is, in itself, a choice possessing historical rationality.

Li Dazhao thus pointed out that the urgent task for contemporary China was to strive for the realization of democratic constitutionalism and oppose the restoration of monarchical autocracy based on the choice of min yi. This was because the restoration of monarchical autocracy violated min yi, while the realization of democratic constitutionalism followed it. It was precisely min yi that provided the basis of legitimacy for democratic constitutionalism to replace monarchical autocracy. The evolution and manifestation of min yi would inevitably lead democratic constitutionalism to replace monarchical autocracy, which had already become the great trend of world history in the 20th century: "Although our people’s demand for such politics is weaker than that of advanced nations, and the scope of awareness of such political consciousness is narrower, looking at the clouds of revolution and the soaring phenomenon of vigor... the flower of civil rights and freedom has indeed already budded on the land of the Divine Land [China]." Based on this, Li Dazhao sharply pitted "the people" against "the monarch" and democratic constitutionalism against monarchical autocracy, emphasizing: "The people and the monarch are irreconcilable; freedom and autocracy cannot coexist. Therefore, if the monarch lives, the citizens die; if autocracy survives, freedom perishes."

Shortly after Li Dazhao formed his Min Yi conception of history, the Russian October Revolution led by Lenin and the Bolshevik Party occurred. While many Chinese were still confused by this, Li Dazhao was the first to observe and understand this revolution from the perspective of the Min Yi conception of history. He determined that this revolution was a "Victory of the Common People" (庶民的胜利) ^[4] achieved through the great awakening of min yi, and he thus praised Bolshevism as founded by Lenin. He wrote: "Although the word Bolshevism was created by Russians, its spirit is the spirit of the common enlightenment in the hearts of every human being in the 20th-century world. Therefore, the victory of Bolshevism is the victory of the new spirit of common enlightenment in the hearts of every human being in the 20th-century world!" Here, the "new spirit of common enlightenment" he referred to was precisely the unprecedented awakening of min yi; the Bolshevism he praised centrally embodied this awakening. Thus, in his view, the success of the Russian October Revolution was the victory achieved by this great awakening. In this way, the Min Yi conception of history became the intellectual bridge for Li Dazhao to move toward the materialist conception of history, allowing him to transcend many advanced Chinese intellectuals of his time and become the first Chinese person to understand, identify with, and accept the materialist conception of history.

After accepting the materialist conception of history, Li Dazhao reflected deeply on the evolution and transformation of the conception of history. He believed that the "conception of history changes over time, is endless and vivid, and contains progressiveness." He explicitly proposed the concepts of a "New Conception of History" and an "Old Conception of History," pitting the two against each other. He argued that the old conception was an idealist "heroic conception of history," whereas the new was a materialist "people's conception of history," and that the two were fundamentally different.

Li Dazhao offered a sharp critique of the old conception of history, disagreeing with its attribution of the primary motor of history to sages and heroes. He said: "Since ancient times, China's sages have been accustomed to the practice of 'borrowing from the past' to grant themselves importance. The followers of Confucius and Mencius always spoke of Yao and Shun; the followers of Laozi and Zhuangzi always spoke of the Yellow Emperor; the followers of Mo Di always spoke of Yu the Great; the followers of Xu Xing always spoke of Shennong. Once this wind was stirred, later generations of recluses sang loudly and poets dreamed, mostly sighing over the golden ages of Huang, Nong, Yu, Xia... through which they deposited their nostalgic sentiments, and thus a regressive conception of history secretly occupied the human heart. Or, when recording campaigns and proclamations, they invoked the 'Mandate of the Emperor'; when singing in times of decline and chaos, they cried out to 'August Heaven'; when born at an unlucky time and facing many troubles, they longed for a King or a Hero. And the salvation of the world and the people by Kings and Heroes was seen as the work of those 'born in accordance with fate,' endowed by Heaven with sage-like wisdom. Thus, the history of Chinese philosophers crystallized entirely into a cyclic, theocratic, and 'great man' conception of history. A whole history of China, until now, has been dominated by such a conception, penetrating deeply into the heart and becoming irremovable. Even today, the cyclic, regressive, spiritual, and 'idealist' history still shows a reactive trend toward revival." Here, he pointed out that the core of the old conception of history lay in the "Kings and Heroes saving the world and the people." He explicitly expressed his rejection of Chinese philosophers and historians using this conception to view, generalize, and write history, opposing its revival in the modern era.

As for the New Conception of History, Li Dazhao championed it with a clear-cut banner, emphasizing the discovery of the great power of the masses to create history. However, this trust and respect for the masses was no longer based on the "innate goodness" and choice of the masses as advocated by the Min Yi conception of history. Instead, it was revealed and explained from the perspective of the materialist conception of history, within the economic life and class struggle of modern society, and within the objective laws of human material production and historical movement. He pointed out: "The value of the materialist conception of history in historiography is so significant, and its influence on life so vital, that we must understand its true meaning to gain a new understanding of life. We must know that all past history was created by the human power we ourselves possess; it was not created for us by any great man or sage, nor was it bestowed by God. Future history will be the same. Now is already the era of the commoners of our world; we should become conscious of our power, unite quickly, and—responding to the needs of our lives—create a new history of the world's commoners." Here, he emphasized that the significance of the New Conception of History lay in discovering that the true driver of history is the masses. History has now entered an era where the masses strive to be masters of their own destiny; the masses should conform to the needs of the times, become conscious and unite quickly, and through their own struggle "create a new history of the world's commoners."

Through the contrast and transition between the New View of History and the Old View of History, Li Dazhao discovered the great power of the masses in creating history within historical materialism, thereby clearly inscribing the concept of "People First" upon the banner of Chinese Marxist philosophy. This initiated the tradition within Chinese Marxist philosophy of emphasizing and extolling the People First concept. At the Party’s Seventh National Congress, Mao Zedong provided a sophisticated summary of this fundamental theory of historical materialism, distilling it into the classic formulation: "The people, and the people alone, are the motive force in the making of world history." He also recounted the story of "The Foolish Old Man Who Removed the Mountains," ^[5] likening the Communist Party of China (CPC) to the "Foolish Old Man" determined to dig away the two great mountains of imperialism and feudalism weighing down on the Chinese people, and likening the broad masses of the people to "God" ^[6] who would help the CPC remove them. He pointed out to all Party comrades: "We must persevere and work unceasingly, and we, too, will touch God's heart. Our God is none other than the masses of the Chinese people. If they rose as one and dug together with us, why could not these two mountains be leveled?" Mao Zedong always attached great importance to the choice Li Dazhao made between the New and Old Views of History, calling it "a question over which historians and philosophers of history argue incessantly." In his later years, when reaffirming the divergence and opposition between these two historical views to the whole Party, he summarized it concisely as: "Is it heroes who create history, or is it slaves who create history?" Thus, through the transition of historical perspectives and proceeding from the historical materialism of Marxism, the People First concept was established and elucidated. This clearly demonstrates that the People First concept takes historical materialism as its philosophical foundation.

In the New Era of socialism with Chinese characteristics, Xi Jinping has inherited and developed the tradition of Chinese Marxist philosophy in valuing historical materialism and emphasizing People First. He attaches great importance to and vigorously advocates Mao Zedong’s idea that only the masses are the motive force in creating world history, repeatedly reaffirming it across the span of history and the future. Reviewing the past, he noted: "History has repeatedly proven that the masses are the subjective force of historical development and social progress." Looking toward the future, he stated: "We must always uphold People First. To comprehensively build a great modern socialist country, the people are the decisive force." He admonished Chinese Communists: "The people are the power that creates history; we Communists must never at any time forget this most fundamental principle of historical materialism." "Only by adhering to this basic principle can we grasp the basic laws of historical progress. Only by acting according to historical laws can we be invincible." This clearly shows that the reason why the worldview and methodology of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era emphasizes and highlights the People First concept is, first and foremost, based on the revelation and affirmation of the people as the motive force of history by historical materialism.

II. Establishing the Status of the People as Masters of the Country through the Transformation of the Concept of Democracy

From the perspective of the Sinicization of Marxist philosophy, the People First concept is not only elucidated by historical materialism but is also linked to the Marxist concept of democracy. The concept of democracy is a value system in the sense of political philosophy. While the idea of "people as the foundation" ^[7] has existed since antiquity, the rise and prevalence of the concept of democracy was a product of the European and American bourgeoisie resisting and defeating feudalism. Following the emergence of Marxism, the concept of democracy underwent a revolutionary transformation, leading to the distinction between the bourgeois concept of democracy and the Marxist concept of democracy. The Marxist concept of democracy is based on historical materialism, holding that the replacement of the feudal monarchical system by the capitalist system did not truly realize the people’s status as masters of the country; only when the socialist system replaces the capitalist system can the people truly become masters of the country. Consequently, socialist democracy must inevitably replace capitalist democracy. In the Manifesto of the Communist Party, Marx and Engels already pointed out: "The first step in the revolution by the working class is to raise the proletariat to the position of ruling class to win the battle of democracy." This advocacy and pursuit of socialist democracy became the core value of Marxist political philosophy. After the May Fourth Movement ^[8] of 1919, following the spread of historical materialism within the Chinese intellectual world, this transformation of the concept of democracy also occurred there, finding its typical embodiment first in the transformation of the worldview of Chen Duxiu, the initiator of the New Culture Movement ^[9] and a primary founder of the CPC.

As a militant of the anti-Qing revolution, Chen Duxiu was originally an adherent and advocate of the bourgeois concept of democracy; his motivation for launching the New Culture Movement actually lay in using intellectual enlightenment to oppose Yuan Shikai’s restoration of the monarchy, ^[10] protect the achievements of the Xinhai Revolution, ^[11] and safeguard the difficult path toward Chinese democracy that had already begun. Therefore, at the beginning of the New Culture Movement, he first advocated the modern Western spirit of science and democracy, raising the two banners of "Science" and "Democracy," advocating for science to defeat obscurantism and democracy to defeat autocracy. In 1915, in the inaugural issue of Youth Magazine (《青年杂志》), Chen Duxiu published the article "Call to Youth" (《敬告青年》), using "human rights" to symbolize the spirit of democracy and proposing: "If our countrymen wish to emerge from the age of obscurantism and are ashamed to be a shallow people, they must catch up immediately, giving equal weight to science and human rights." In the subsequent second issue of the first volume of Youth Magazine, Chen Duxiu published "Current Educational Policy" (《今日之教育方针》), further proposing the concept of a "state of populism" (惟民主义之国家), taking the "state of populism" in which the people are masters of the country as the specific realization of the democratic spirit. He said: "The modern nationalist state is a democratic state, not a state of people-slaves. A democratic state is a true state, the public property of the citizens; it takes the people as masters and those in power as public servants. A state of people-slaves is a false state, the private property of those in power; it takes those in power as masters and the citizens as slaves." This "democratic state" is the "state of populism." He thus concluded: "A state of populism is where our property and persons are entrusted." His use of "populism" (weimin zhuyi) was a Chinese translation of the English word "Democracy," using terms with traditional Chinese connotations to emphasize that the spirit of democracy means realizing the people as masters of the country. His "state of populism"—the so-called "true state"—referred to modern European and American capitalist states. In Chen Duxiu's view at the time, these countries were models for realizing the democratic spirit: "Since the English and French Revolutions, populism has become a principle of politics. Setting aside republics like America and France, even monarchies like England and Belgium claim that sovereignty resides in the people and implement republican politics." This advocacy of "populism" caused "democracy" to replace "human rights" and stand alongside "science," leading to the two banners of "Science" and "Democracy" raised high during the New Culture Movement, as well as "Mr. Science" (赛先生, Sài Xiānsheng) and "Mr. Democracy" (德先生, Dé Xiānsheng) who became household names.

The occurrence of the May Fourth Movement led Chen Duxiu to once again respond to the call of the times and step into practical political struggle; it also led him toward Marxism through that struggle, making him an early Chinese Marxist who, together with Li Dazhao, led the preparatory work for the founding of the CPC. This transformation of worldview was centrally reflected in Chen Duxiu’s concept of democracy. He reconsidered the problem of democracy and revealed the essence of bourgeois democracy, pointing out: "What is democracy? It was the weapon the capitalist class used in the past to overthrow the feudal system, and it is the trick they use now to deceive the world and maintain political power." In the current era of sharp opposition between the capitalist class and the laboring class, so-called democracy belongs only to the capitalist class and not to the laboring class. It was precisely in this way that he carried out a self-transformation regarding the concept of democracy, providing a new interpretation of the "Democracy" banner he had raised at the start of the New Culture Movement: "'Democracy' since the 18th century was the banner of the newly risen property-owning industrial and commercial class that had been conquered, who, out of their common interest, demanded rights from the conquering class of emperors and aristocrats. ... Now, 'Democracy' in the 20th century is the banner of the newly risen proletarian laboring class that has been conquered, who, out of their common interest, demand rights from the conquering class of the property-owning industrial and commercial sectors." Consequently, the subject of democracy was converted from the bourgeoisie of the past to the proletariat of the modern era, giving the "Democracy" banner raised in the New Culture Movement a new connotation of socialist democracy. This explicitly proposed in the Chinese intellectual world the goal of replacing capitalist democracy with socialist democracy to realize the people's status as masters of the country, and the CPC has been a tireless striver for the realization of this goal since its inception.

After becoming a primary leader of the CPC’s founding work and early activities, Chen Duxiu focused on thinking about how to replace capitalist democracy with socialist democracy to realize the people as masters of the country. These reflections constituted the primary content of his Marxist concept of democracy.

Chen Duxiu pointed out that to realize the people as masters of the country, it is necessary to awaken the class consciousness of the people and enable them to organize into a revolutionary class to act as a self-aware class. To this end, he wrote a series of popular proclamations to explain this logic to the broad masses of laborers. In December 1919, he published "A Message to the Laborers of Beijing" (《告北京劳动界》) in the Beijing Morning Post (《晨报》), stating at the very beginning: "The laboring world I am speaking of now refers to those who have absolutely no property and rely entirely on labor for their livelihood. In terms of occupation, it includes propertyless carpenters, masons, painters, blacksmiths, rickshaw pullers, water carriers, tailors, barbers, postmen, typesetters, servants, attendants, shop assistants, railway waiters, laborers, and porters, combined into one proletarian laboring class." In June 1921, he published "A Message to Labor" (《告劳动》) in the fifth issue of the monthly journal The Communist (《共产党》) in Shanghai, further pointing out: "The capitalist class organized the government and parliament; having these powers, they are able to suppress labor and protect their private property. Labor has never had organization and has been unable to form a class; therefore, you cannot demonstrate your power and remain forever impoverished employees. From this, one can know that unless the laborers of various regions and industries are organized into one class, they will certainly lack the power to resist the powerfully organized capitalist class. Without the power to resist the capitalist class, the private means of production of the capitalists certainly cannot be seized and returned to the laboring world for public ownership. If the means of production are not publicly owned by the laboring world, the hardships of labor certainly cannot be avoided; this is what is called class consciousness." His writings indicate that organizing the laboring masses into a revolutionary class was a necessary prerequisite for replacing capitalist democracy with socialist democracy and realizing the people as masters of the country.

Chen Duxiu further pointed out that to realize the people as masters of the country, the people must be guided to conduct class struggle and adopt revolutionary means to seize political power. He noted that the bourgeoisie would never voluntarily give up their ruling power and allow the proletariat to become the subject of democracy; the proletariat must seize ruling power from the bourgeoisie through class struggle to convert itself into the subject of democracy and establish a new type of proletarian democracy. The struggle of the proletariat against the bourgeoisie can adopt various forms, including peaceful methods or revolutionary means, but in the China of the current era, class struggle could only adopt revolutionary means. He said: "Why do we want revolution? It is because the current social system and elements are bad, and they cannot be reformed by peaceful methods; thus, revolutionary means are taken." It can be seen that "the only fundamental method to escape hardship is for labor in all places and industries to gain class consciousness, for everyone to unite, and to use revolutionary means to organize the laboring class's state, government, parliament, provincial assembly, and county assembly to solve labor’s own hardships. The state, government, parliament, provincial assembly, and county assembly of the aristocrats, capitalists, and middle-class society certainly cannot solve the hardships of the laboring world; the laboring world must never rely on them; you can only rely on your own laboring revolutionary army." These arguments demonstrate that seizing power through class struggle and revolutionary means was the primary path for replacing capitalist democracy with socialist democracy and realizing the people as masters of the country.

Chen Duxiu also pointed out that to achieve the people's status as masters of the country, it was necessary to lead the people in establishing their own state after seizing political power to safeguard their democratic rights. At that time, both the Second International and the anarchists, proceeding from their own views of the state, opposed the Soviet state led by Lenin. The Second International believed that the dictatorship of the proletariat implemented in Soviet Russia only guaranteed the privileges of the laboring class and was a destruction of the democratic system; anarchists advocated the abolition of all states in the current era, holding an oppositional attitude not only toward the bourgeois state but also toward the establishment of a proletarian state. Chen Duxiu offered a clear-cut critique of these views, pointing out that states are actually divided into two categories: one is the "capitalist class state" and the other is the "laboring class state." To achieve the people's status as masters of the country, the former type of state must be opposed and negated, while the latter must be established and perfected. He argued: "If we do not go through class war, if we do not go through an era in which the laboring class occupies the position of the power class, democracy will inevitably remain the exclusive property of the bourgeoisie forever—that is, the sharpest weapon the bourgeoisie uses to eternally hold power and resist the laboring class." From this, he emphasized: "Using revolutionary means to build a state of the laboring class (i.e., the productive class) and creating political laws that prohibit all internal and external plunder is the primary necessity of modern society." These propositions demonstrated that after the laboring class seizes power, establishing a state where the people are masters to safeguard the democratic rights they have gained is the key measure for replacing capitalist democracy with socialist democracy and realizing the people’s status as masters of the country.

The Marxist conception of democracy elucidated by Chen Duxiu exerted a profound ideological influence on the New Youth ^[12] generation gathered under the twin banners of "Science" and "Democracy." Mao Zedong was one such young man deeply influenced by Chen. In the late spring and early summer of 1920, Mao returned to Hunan from Beijing, passing through Shanghai to visit Chen Duxiu, who was then presiding over the work of founding the Party. The two held in-depth conversations. Mao later recalled: "Chen Duxiu's talk regarding his own beliefs made a deep impression on me in what was probably a critical period of my life." In 1949, as Mao led the Communist Party of China (CPC) and the Chinese people in creating the New China, he wrote the famous work of political philosophy, On the People's Democratic Dictatorship. In it, he reviewed and summarized the transformation of democratic concepts in modern China, emphasizing that the Russian October Revolution brought Marxism-Leninism to the Chinese people. He noted that the Chinese began to use the proletarian world outlook as an instrument for observing the nation's destiny and re-exploring China's path forward. This led to the occurrence of the May Fourth Movement and the establishment of the CPC, the great Chinese Revolution led by the CPC, and the birth of a New China under the people's democratic dictatorship upon the victory of the revolution. This realized the replacement of capitalist democracy with socialist democracy on Chinese soil and achieved the people's status as masters of the country. He thus concluded: "To sum up our experience and concentrate it into one point, it is: the people's democratic dictatorship under the leadership of the working class (through the Communist Party) and based upon the alliance of workers and peasants." Regarding the people's democratic dictatorship, he provided a clear definition, regarding it as the combination of democracy for the people and dictatorship over the reactionaries. This set the tone and provided the historical and logical basis for the socialist democratic system implemented in the New China.

Xi Jinping attaches great importance to the theory and practice of the Chinese Marxist conception of democracy over the past century and advocates for its promotion. He has made "democracy" a core component of the Socialist Core Values and emphasized that "the Communist Party of China has always held high the banner of people's democracy." In the New Era of socialism with Chinese characteristics, he proposed the new concept of whole-process people's democracy, which is an inheritance, deepening, and development of this democratic view. He pointed out: "Whole-process people's democracy in our country not only has a complete set of institutional procedures but also full participation in practice. Our country implements a state system of the people's democratic dictatorship led by the working class and based on the alliance of workers and peasants; a system of government of the People's Congress; and basic political systems including the system of multi-party cooperation and political consultation led by the CPC, the system of regional ethnic autonomy, and the system of community-level self-governance. We consolidate and develop the broadest possible patriotic united front, forming a comprehensive, extensive, and organically connected institutional system for the people's status as masters of the country, and constructing diverse, smooth, and orderly democratic channels." In his view, democracy is not a decoration or a piece of furniture for display. Whether a country has established a democratic system and practices democratic politics depends crucially on whether the people have truly achieved the status of masters of the country. From this perspective, the whole-process people's democracy implemented in our country integrates process democracy with result democracy, procedural democracy with substantive democracy, direct democracy with indirect democracy, and people's democracy with the will of the state. It can be called a full-chain, all-around, and full-coverage democracy—the most extensive, genuine, and effective socialist democracy. This clearly shows that the reason the worldview and methodology of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era emphasize and highlight the concept of the people's supremacy is that it serves as an inheritance, deepening, and development of the status of the people as masters established by the Chinese Marxist conception of democracy.

III. Highlighting the Party-Building Tenet of "Serving the People Wholeheartedly" in the Conception of the Political Party

Reflected in the development of Chinese Marxist political philosophy, the concept of the people's supremacy is embodied not only in the establishment of the people's status as masters in the conception of democracy but also in highlighting the Party-building tenet of "serving the people wholeheartedly" in the conception of the political party. This conception of the party, like the conception of democracy, is based on historical materialism.

The appearance of political parties in China is not an ancient phenomenon but one of the last century or so. In-depth philosophical reflections on party building—and the subsequent formation of an unprecedented conception of the party in the history of Chinese philosophy—were initiated by early Chinese Marxists during the process of founding the CPC. Li Dazhao and Chen Duxiu, who initiated and led the work of creating the Party, were the first to use historical materialism as a basis to offer initial reflections and elucidations on Party building from the level of Marxist political philosophy. They laid the preliminary theoretical foundation for the CPC to adhere to the supremacy of the people from its inception, distinguishing it from all other various political parties in modern China.

Li Dazhao wrote the article "Group Training and the Work of Reform" (Tuanti de xunlian yu gexin de shiye), published in March 1921 in Volume 2, No. 2 of The Dawn (Shuguang). In the article, he conducted a serious investigation and rigorous summary of the successes and failures of political parties and political groups in modern China. He pointed out that political parties appeared in China at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries. Under the baptism of Europeanization, two major parties, the Society for National Strengthening (Qiangxuehui) ^[13] and the Revolutionary Alliance (Tongmenghui) ^[14], were born. The achievement of the former was the Hundred Days' Reform ^[15], while the merit of the latter was the Xinhai Revolution ^[16]. However, among the various political parties that appeared after the Xinhai Revolution, not a single one had successful achievements or real political results. It could be said: "The political parties since the founding of the Republic have all been looting while the house is on fire, forming cliques for private gain, calling upon cronies, swindling and bluffing, flattering the powerful, and seeking their own livelihoods. They have neither the spirit of a political party nor the organization of a group. Expecting them to carry out reform work for the welfare of the people is the same as expecting the sun to rise from the west." Regarding the student groups that emerged during the May Fourth period, he offered some affirmation on one hand but severe criticism on the other, noting: "After the May Fourth Movement, student groups arose as if they were the sole organizations in the reform movement. In fact, although students have some enthusiasm and chivalry, their group training is ultimately insufficient and full of deficiencies. By now, they are like 'an arrow at the end of its flight' ^[17], making one feel infinite sorrow." It was exactly in this context that Li Dazhao reminded the early Chinese Marxists then founding the CPC that they must learn lessons from the history of the rise and fall of political parties in modern China. He said: "Since there is currently no group in China that can truly manifest the power of the masses, if the friends of the 'C-group' can establish a strong and precise organization and pay attention to promoting the group training of its members, then China's thorough great reform may have something to depend upon!" The "C-group" he referred to was the "Communists," and the "friends of the C-group" referred to the early Chinese Marxists engaged in the creation of the CPC. He sincerely hoped that the soon-to-be-born CPC would draw a clear line from all other various political parties in modern China from its inception. Only in this way could the Party become the strong leader of "China’s thorough great reform." He thus clearly defined the nature of the CPC: "This group is not a political party organized by politicians, nor is it a democratic party of the middle class, but a political party of the common people and laborers—that is, a socialist group."

Chen Duxiu wrote the article "Political Transformation and Party Transformation" (Zhengzhi gaizao yu zhengdang gaizao), published in July 1921 in Volume 9, No. 3 of New Youth. In the article, he clearly proposed that the goal of party transformation in China was to create a proletarian party completely different from the various bourgeois parties—namely, a "proletarian Communist Party." He noted: "The past records of the various parties of the propertied class—rumor-mongering, slander, bribery, feathering their nests at public expense, struggling for power and profit, reversing right and wrong, and excluding outsiders—are much the same, whether in the East or the West. With this pack of foxes and dogs ^[18] burdened with political responsibility, how could politics not be corrupt?" In his view, if China's political parties were not thoroughly transformed, there would be no hope for the transformation of China's actual politics; the newly born CPC allowed the Chinese people to see new hope. However, whether the CPC could truly live up to the hopes of the Chinese people would also need to withstand the test of history and prove through historical practice that it was a proletarian revolutionary party that drew a clear line against the corruption of the old parties. Chen Duxiu pointed out: "I believe that the foundation of the Communist Party is built upon the proletariat. In theory, it is naturally better than a political party built upon the propertied class using the power of money. However, in worldly affairs, 'without evidence, one is not believed; without belief, the people will not follow.' The corruption of the old parties is indeed proven by evidence; as for how the new Communist Party will be, it entirely depends on it producing its own evidence to make people believe!"

Thus, we can see that as early as a century ago, when "Chen in the South and Li in the North" ^[19] set about founding the CPC, these pioneers of the Chinese communist movement were already proceeding from the concept of the people's supremacy. They foresightedly considered how to build our Party into a "group that can truly manifest the power of the masses," a "political party of the common people and laborers," and a "proletarian Communist Party" distinct from all other parties, making it "better than a political party built upon the propertied class using the power of money." This announced the great original aspiration of the people's supremacy at the Party's founding. What we mean today by "remaining true to our original aspiration" is precisely to uphold this great founding aspiration of the people's supremacy.

Mao Zedong, deeply inspired by Chen and Li and an active participant in the creation of the CPC, had a direct and profound understanding of this founding aspiration. After becoming the primary leader of the CPC, Mao reflected on how to create a summary expression of this founding aspiration with Chinese characteristics—making it easy to understand, remember, and spread, so it would sink deeper into the hearts of the people and the Party.

Before the convening of the Seventh National Congress of the Party, Mao began this work. In September 1944, he gave an important speech at a memorial service held by the Central Guard Regiment for Zhang Side ^[20]. He emphasized: "Our Communist Party and the Eighth Route Army and New Fourth Army led by the Communist Party are revolutionary ranks. These ranks of ours are entirely for the purpose of liberating the people; they work thoroughly for the interests of the people." He further condensed these contents into the summary: "We serve the people." In December of the same year, in a speech at the second session of the Second People's Congress of the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region, he again emphasized: "All our working cadres, regardless of their position, are servants of the people. Everything we do is to serve the people." From this, the five characters "Serve the People" (wei renmin fuwu) were distilled, marking the CPC's tenet and value pursuit in a simple, popular, summary, and concrete way. This speech at the memorial for Zhang Side was later included in the Selected Works of Mao Zedong under the title "Serve the People."

At the Party’s Seventh National Congress in 1945, Mao Zedong elaborated upon and refined the formulation "serve the people," proposing the complete concept of "serving the people whole-heartedly" as the founding mission of the Communist Party of China. He pointed out: "Another distinctive hallmark of us Communists, distinguishing us from any other political party, is that we maintain the closest ties with the broadest masses of the people. To serve the people whole-heartedly and never for a moment divorce ourselves from the masses; to proceed in all cases from the interests of the people and not from one’s self-interest or from the interests of a small group; and to identify our responsibility to the people with our responsibility to the leading organs of the Party—these are our points of departure." In the new Constitution of the Communist Party of China adopted at the Seventh National Congress, this mission was explicitly written into the General Program, stating: "Chinese Communists must possess the spirit of serving the Chinese people whole-heartedly, must establish extensive ties with the worker masses, the peasant masses, and other revolutionary people, and must constantly attend to consolidating and expanding these ties." Based on this mission, the Party Constitution put forward more specific requirements for every Party member: "Every member must understand the identity of the Party’s interests with the interests of the people, and the identity of responsibility to the Party with responsibility to the people. Every member must listen with an open mind to the voice of the masses and understand their urgent needs, helping them to organize and struggle for the realization of those needs. Every member must be determined to learn from the masses while simultaneously educating them with a revolutionary spirit, untiringly awakening and raising their consciousness." This passage from the Party Constitution emphasized three times that "every member must," elucidating quite concretely and clearly how a Communist should serve the people whole-heartedly and strive to practice the Party’s mission in their actual work, study, and life. Thus, through Mao Zedong’s repeated intellectual tempering and the whole-Party consensus formed at the Seventh National Congress, "serving the people whole-heartedly" became the classic expression of the CPC’s founding mission.

In his youth, Xi Jinping lived as an educated youth ^[21] in the Yan’an region, and thus gained a profound understanding of how Mao Zedong highlighted the founding mission of "serving the people" during the Yan’an period. After the 20th National Congress, he returned to Yan’an and spoke once more of the great significance of the Party establishing this mission during that period. He noted with deep feeling: "During the Yan’an period, the Party proposed the fundamental mission of serving the people whole-heartedly and wrote it into the Party Constitution, emphasizing that this 'corps of ours is wholly dedicated to the liberation of the people and works entirely in the people's interests,' and requiring that Party cadres 'sit their bottoms squarely on the side of the common people' ^[22], resulting in a vivid situation where 'only public servants were seen, not officials.' All comrades in the Party must stand firm on the people's position, practice the Party's mission, implement the Party's mass line, maintain the flesh-and-blood ties between the Party and the masses, and consciously integrate the people-centered philosophy of development into all aspects of work, solidly promoting common prosperity so that the achievements of modernization benefit all people more and more fairly." To this end, Xi Jinping conducted a comprehensive summary of the historical experience of the CPC’s century of struggle, emphasizing that the Party’s cause of revolution, construction, and reform is inseparable from the support and endorsement of the people and depends on the direction of public sentiment ^[23]. He pointed out: "The country is the people, and the people are the country. As we fight to win the country and then maintain its governance, what we are really guarding is the people's hearts. The CPC’s roots are in the people, its lifeblood is in the people, and its strength is in the people. The CPC has always represented the fundamental interests of the broadest possible mass of people; it shares the same fate as the people and stands with them through thick and thin. It does not have any special interests of its own, and it has never represented the interests of any interest group, any power bloc, or any privileged class." Xi Jinping attaches great importance to this passage and has provided specialized explanations in later speeches, noting two layers of meaning: on one hand, it is a rebuttal to those with ulterior motives who attempt to divide and oppose the Party against the masses; on the other hand, it is a reminder to all comrades of the Party that on the fundamental questions of for whom one governs, for whom one exercises power, and for whom one seeks benefits, their minds must be exceptionally clear and their stance exceptionally firm. This clearly demonstrates that the reason why the worldview and methodology of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era emphasizes and highlights the concept of "People First" is closely intertwined with the CPC’s highlighting of "serving the people whole-heartedly" within its conception of the political party.

IV. Proposing the "From the Masses, to the Masses" Mass Line in Epistemology

As a vital concept of Marxist philosophy, the connotation of "People First" has been continually enriched and deepened within the process of the Sinicization of Marxist philosophy. It has not only been elucidated by the Marxist historical materialism, the view of democracy, and the view of the political party, but has also been elevated from historical materialism to Marxist philosophical epistemology, forming the "from the masses, to the masses" mass line. This constitutes an original, Sinicized elaboration. This was Mao Zedong’s significant contribution to the Sinicization of Marxist philosophy and forms a major component of his "On Practice" philosophical system.

Due to the rise of the Dialectical Materialism Movement in the 1930s, the center of gravity for Chinese Marxist philosophy shifted from historical materialism to dialectical materialism. After leading the Red Army to Northern Shaanxi at the end of the Long March, Mao Zedong keenly discovered the extreme importance of the dialectical materialism translated and elucidated by this movement for Chinese Communists. Consequently, he diligently studied and actively lectured on dialectical materialism, proposing to "popularize and deepen the Marxist methodology (dialectical materialism) among the majority of cadres." He wrote the Dialectical Materialism (Lecture Outlines), which included "On Practice" and "On Contradiction." In these lecture outlines, grounded in Lenin's idea of the unity of dialectics, epistemology, and logic, Mao emphasized the unity of worldview and methodology, as well as the unity of dialectics, epistemology, and logic (translated at the time as lǔnlǐxué ^[24]). He noted: "In the hands of Marxists, worldview and methodology are one and the same; dialectics, epistemology, and logic are also one and the same." In this way, he shifted the focus of the Chinese understanding and elaboration of dialectical materialism from ontology to epistemology and methodology. Using "On Practice" and "On Contradiction" as the foundation and core, he created an "On Practice" philosophical system that focused on elucidating Marxist philosophical epistemology and methodology.

During the 1930s and 40s, while creating and developing the "On Practice" philosophical system, Mao Zedong successively proposed three interrelated and important epistemological theses, unfolding his Sinicized understanding of Marxist philosophical epistemology and methodology. The first important epistemological thesis, proposed in 1937 in "On Practice," was the general process of the development of knowledge based on practice. He pointed out: "Practice, knowledge, again practice, and again knowledge. This form repeats itself in endless cycles, and with each cycle the content of practice and knowledge rises to a higher level. Such is the whole of the dialectical-materialist theory of knowledge, and such is the dialectical-materialist theory of the unity of knowing and doing." The second important epistemological thesis, proposed in "On Contradiction" in the same year, was the dialectical process of the development of knowledge linked to the general process in "On Practice." He noted: "These are the two processes of knowing: one, from the particular to the general, and the other, from the general to the particular. Thus cognition always moves in cycles and (so long as it is strictly in accordance with scientific method) each cycle may advance human knowledge a step higher and so deepen it continually." The third important epistemological thesis, proposed in 1943 in "Some Questions Concerning Methods of Leadership," was the mass line, which corresponded to the two processes of knowledge discussed in "On Practice" and "On Contradiction." By doing so, he introduced into Marxist philosophical epistemology the revelations and affirmations of historical materialism regarding the masses as the motive force of history, as well as the advocacy and pursuit of the masses as masters of their own affairs found in the Marxist view of democracy. He emphasized the subjective role of the masses in knowing and transforming the world, integrating epistemology with historical materialism and political philosophy. He pointed out: "In all the practical work of our Party, all correct leadership is necessarily ‘from the masses, to the masses.’ This means: take the ideas of the masses (scattered and unsystematic ideas) and concentrate them (through study turn them into concentrated and systematic ideas), then go to the masses and propagate and explain these ideas until the masses embrace them as their own, hold fast to them and translate them into action, and test the correctness of these ideas in such action. Then once again concentrate ideas from the masses and once again go to the masses so that the ideas are persevered in and carried through. And so on, over and over again in an endless spiral, with the ideas becoming more correct, more vital and richer each time. Such is the Marxist theory of knowledge."

These three theses all speak to Marxist philosophical epistemology, yet they have different emphases in content. The first thesis emphasizes that the foundation of Marxist philosophical epistemology lies in social practice and that human cognitive activity depends on social practice, thus forming two stages in every cognitive process—knowledge arises from practice and then serves practice; this can be succinctly summarized as "practice—knowledge—practice." The second thesis further reveals that the two stages of every cognitive process are a dialectical unveiling—from the particular to the general, and then from the general to the particular; knowledge arising from practice is the move from the particular to the general, while knowledge serving practice is the move from the general to the particular; this can be succinctly summarized as "particular—general—particular." The third thesis, based on historical materialism, elucidates the subjective role of the CPC and the masses it leads in knowing and transforming the world. The procedural development of its cognitive activity is essentially consistent with the first two theses: "from the masses" means knowledge arises from practice, moving from the particular to the general; "to the masses" means knowledge serves practice, moving from the general back to the particular. This relationship between Party leadership and the masses in cognitive activity can be succinctly summarized as "masses—leadership—masses." This established the CPC’s mass line from an epistemological perspective. This mass line integrates Marxist epistemology, dialectics, historical materialism, and political philosophy, becoming a major characteristic of Mao Zedong’s "On Practice" philosophical system. In other words, only by understanding these three epistemological theses together and viewing "practice—knowledge—practice," "particular—general—particular," and "masses—leadership—masses" as a unified cognitive activity with internal logical connections can one reach a deep understanding and accurate grasp of the Party’s mass line.

Among these three theses, Mao Zedong believed the latter two were further developments of the general process of knowledge proposed in "On Practice," carrying particular methodological significance for the cognitive activities of Chinese Communists. He cautioned Party cadres: "No matter what work we are doing, we Communists must adopt two methods: first, combining the general with the particular; and second, combining the leadership with the masses." He further noted that subjectivists and bureaucratists do not understand these two important methodological principles, which greatly hindered the development of the Party’s work; therefore, these methodological principles must be advocated extensively and deeply to oppose subjectivist and bureaucratic methods of leadership. That is to say, the reason why the "from the masses, to the masses" mass line is important lies not only in its epistemological basis but also in its methodological significance as an essential working method for Chinese Communists.

To more clearly elucidate the epistemological significance of the "from the masses, to the masses" mass line, a few months after writing "Some Questions Concerning Methods of Leadership," Mao Zedong gave a famous speech titled "Get Organized!" in which he compared the masses to Zhuge Liang ^[25], the personification of Chinese wisdom. He emphasized that Chinese Communists must value the wisdom of the masses, listen to their voices, absorb their opinions, and accept their testing in their cognitive activities. He pointed out that we Communists, regardless of the issue, must be able to integrate with the masses. People often say: "Three lowly cobblers with their wits combined equal Zhuge Liang the master mind." This colloquialism is profoundly meaningful: "That is to say, the masses have great creative power. Among the Chinese people, there are actually thousands upon thousands of 'Zhuge Liangs'; every village and every town has its 'Zhuge Liangs.' We should go among the masses, learn from them, synthesize their experience into better, systematic principles and methods, then tell the masses (propagate), and call upon them to put them into practice, solving their problems and bringing them liberation and happiness."

At the Seventh National Congress of the CPC, Mao Zedong summarized the three major work styles formed by the Chinese Communist Party through long-term revolutionary struggle, among which was the style of maintaining close ties with the masses. He took the mass line of "from the masses, to the masses" as a core component of this style, noting: "Communists must be ready at all times to stand up for the truth, because all truth is in the interest of the people; Communists must be ready at all times to correct mistakes, because all mistakes are against the interest of the people. Twenty-four years of experience tells us that all correct tasks, policies, and work styles are consistent with the demands of the masses at a given time and place, and are linked to the masses; all incorrect tasks, policies, and work styles are inconsistent with the demands of the masses at a given time and place, and are alienated from the masses." Here, he argued that whether something accords with the interests of the people and whether it suits the demands of the masses at a given time and place must be used as the criteria for measuring the correctness of the Party’s tasks, policies, and work styles. He believed that the fundamental cause of ailments such as dogmatism, empiricism, commandism, "tailism" ^[26], sectarianism, and bureaucratic or arrogant working attitudes was alienation from the masses. Mao’s emphasis on testing truth by its consistency with the people's interests and demands was not the discovery of a criterion for truth outside of practice; rather, it emphasized that the purposiveness of the practice of Chinese Communists lies in its "people-centeredness" (人民性), thereby more profoundly linking and unifying "practice—knowledge—practice" with "masses—leadership—masses."

In On Practice, Mao Zedong pointed out: "The responsibility of correctly knowing and transforming the world has been placed by history upon the shoulders of the proletariat and its political party." However, how the Chinese Communist Party and the Chinese people under its leadership, as subjects of cognition and practice, should correctly know and transform the world—and how to embody both the historical materialist affirmation of the people as the motive force of history and the Marxist democratic advocacy for the people as masters of their own affairs within cognitive activities—was a problem that had not been fully resolved in the Marxist classics. Mao Zedong summarized the positive and negative experiences of the Chinese Communists' revolutionary practice and proposed a complete set of Marxist epistemological theories within the "on practice" philosophical system. He viewed "practice—knowledge—practice," "particular—general—particular," and "masses—leadership—masses" as a unified cognitive activity with internal logical links. This provided the answer of a Chinese Marxist philosopher to this problem. In particular, the mass line of "from the masses, to the masses" bridged epistemology, historical materialism, and political philosophy. It highlighted the important status of the masses as subjects of historical activity within the cognitive activities of Chinese Communists, and elucidated how to exert the primary driving force of the masses in knowing and transforming the world within epistemology. This allowed the great wisdom and pioneering spirit of the masses to be vibrantly reflected in epistemology, thereby pointing out the epistemological path for the CPC to form lines, principles, and policies consistent with China's national conditions, and laying the foundation for the ideological line that won the victory of the Chinese revolution. Thus, from an epistemological perspective, the mass line of "from the masses, to the masses" is a precious philosophical legacy Mao Zedong left to the Chinese Communists.

Xi Jinping deeply treasures this creative achievement of the Sinicization of Marxist philosophy. He emphasizes the extreme importance of the mass line to the CPC, considering it the Party's lifeline and fundamental working line. He has repeatedly pointed out: in the past, present, and future, Chinese Communists must persist in doing everything for the masses and relying on the masses in everything, and must adhere to "from the masses, to the masses." He attaches particular importance to elucidating the mass line from an epistemological perspective. In the report to the 20th National Congress of the CPC, his elaboration on "upholding the principle of people first" was primarily grounded in epistemology, integrating epistemology with historical materialism and political philosophy. Regarding the source, purpose, and testing criteria of the Party's theory, he emphasized: "The Party’s theory is a theory that comes from the people, is for the people, and benefits the people; the creative practice of the people is the inexhaustible source of theoretical innovation. Any theory that is alienated from the people is pale and weak, and any theory that does not benefit the people is devoid of vitality. We must maintain a firm people’s standpoint, grasp the people’s aspirations, respect the people’s creativity, and concentrate the people’s wisdom, so as to form a theory that is loved, recognized, and owned by the people, making it a powerful ideological weapon for guiding the people in knowing and transforming the world." This elaboration is profound and requires a combined understanding of Marxist epistemology, historical materialism, and political philosophy to be truly comprehended and grasped. This clearly shows that the reason the worldview and methodology of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era emphasizes and highlights the concept of "people first" is that, at a deeper level, it finds its profound Marxist epistemological basis in the mass line of "from the masses, to the masses."

V. The Significance of Elucidating the "People First" Concept within the Horizon of the Sinicization of Marxist Philosophy

The content above treats the "people first" concept as a vital Marxist philosophical concept within the horizon of the Sinicization of Marxist philosophy. Through the discourse on the history of the development of Chinese Marxist philosophy over the past century—encompassing views on history, democracy, the party, and epistemology—it has conducted an inquiry into the history of philosophy. This inquiry is of great significance for understanding "upholding the principle of people first" as a worldview and methodology, for grasping the concept of "people first" which contains the philosophical essence of dialectical and historical materialism, and for mastering the worldview and methodology of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era.

First, elucidating the "people first" concept within the horizon of the Sinicization of Marxist philosophy allows us to clearly see its historical source and development, providing a strong sense of history. Throughout a century of Chinese Marxist philosophy, the "people first" concept has run through like a red thread. It originates from the "original aspiration" of early Chinese Marxists in founding the CPC and has been theoretically and practically enriched and developed through the process of the Sinicization of Marxist philosophy. The reason why "upholding the principle of people first" is the primary point of the worldview and methodology of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era lies precisely in these deep foundations in the history of philosophy.

Second, elucidating the "people first" concept within this horizon allows us to see its philosophical connotation and logical structure, providing profound academic rigor. This rigor was revealed through the progressively deeper exploration of philosophical issues during the process of Sinicizing Marxist philosophy. Logically, the discourse of the Sinicization of Marxist philosophy can be divided into three basic levels: the most abstract level consists of ontological and epistemological issues; the middle level consists of cultural and historical views; and the most concrete level consists of political philosophy. The "people first" concept takes historical materialism as its philosophical basis, first affirming in its view of history that the people are the fundamental force creating human society and driving history forward. From there, it settles on political philosophy, proposing a view of democracy where the people are the masters of the country and forming a view of the party with "serving the people whole-heartedly" as its fundamental purpose. Furthermore, it ascends to a question of epistemology, viewing "practice—knowledge—practice," "particular—general—particular," and "masses—leadership—masses" as a unified cognitive activity with internal logical links. This results in the mass line of "from the masses, to the masses," which integrates Marxist epistemology, dialectics, historical materialism, and political philosophy. Thus, the "people first" concept contains the philosophical essence of dialectical and historical materialism. This deep academic rigor is the core of why "upholding the principle of people first" is the primary point of the worldview and methodology of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era.

Third, elucidating the "people first" concept within this horizon allows us to see that it has withstood the test of history, demonstrating historical rationality. The rationality of a philosophical concept often cannot be judged by one or two tests of practice; it requires countless tests over historical periods. As the precious crystallization of a century of development in the Sinicization of Marxist philosophy, the "people first" concept has been repeatedly tested by the great practice of the CPC's century of struggle, thereby revealing its historical rationality. This historical rationality is why "upholding the principle of people first" serves as the primary point of the worldview and methodology of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era.

In conclusion, elucidating the "people first" concept within the horizon of the Sinicization of Marxist philosophy achieves the positive effect of using history as a mirror. Facing the mirror of the history of philosophy, we can reach a deep and accurate understanding of "upholding the principle of people first" as a worldview and methodology. Through this, we grasp the fundamental standpoint and essential attributes of Marxism, and further master the worldview and methodology of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, thereby learning and gaining command of the "house-keeping skills" ^[27] of Chinese Communists.