Gu Hailiang: The Expansion of Marx's "World History" Proposition and Theoretical Innovation in the New Era

The "world history" proposition put forward by Marx in the mid-1840s received a significant supplement via the problem of "crossing the Caudine Forks" ^[1] in the 1870s. The question of the possibility and reality of "crossing the Caudine Forks" was verified during the 20th-century socialist development process in countries with relatively backward economies and cultures, such as Russia and China, thereby elevating the ideological connotations of the "world history" proposition. At the turn of the 20th and 21st centuries, the failure of socialist reforms in the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries and the successful practice of the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics highlighted the breakthrough answers provided by the Communist Party of China to the problem of "crossing the Caudine Forks," as well as its innovative exploration of Marx's "world history" proposition.

As we entered the 21st century, the successful practice of socialism with Chinese characteristics in the New Era has not only provided new answers to the "crossing the Caudine Forks" problem but has also endowed Marx's "world history" proposition with the connotations of the New Era. Within Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, innovative theories—centered on the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, the "macro-history" ^[2] view of socialism, the New Development Philosophy, a community with a shared future for humanity, Chinese-path modernization, and the new form of human advancement—constitute a new "world history" proposition for the New Era. This serves as a prominent marker of the new leap in the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism.

I. Marx's "World History" Proposition and "Crossing the Caudine Forks"

"World history" is an important proposition put forward by Marx and Engels during their joint founding of historical materialism. In the manuscript of The German Ideology, Marx and Engels proposed that along with the enormous growth and high degree of development of the productive forces, "the more the original isolation of separate nationalities is destroyed by the perfected mode of production, commerce, and the division of labor between various nations naturally brought forth by these, the more history becomes world history." They envisioned that against this background, the "world-historical rather than local existence of individuals" had already become an "empirical existence," and the development of capitalism had become a worldwide phenomenon.

(1) The Inauguration of "World History" and Its Prominent Characteristics

Capitalism "for the first time maintained world history." Marx and Engels believed that the prominent characteristics of this "world-historical" development lay in the following: First, regarding relations of exchange, "the satisfaction of the needs of each civilized country, and of each individual in them, is dependent on the whole world, for it has destroyed the former natural self-sufficiency of separate nations." In this relationship, natural science is subordinated to capital, and while "all naturally-derived qualities are abolished... it also transforms all naturally-derived relations into money relations." Second, regarding the relationship between town and country, modern large-scale industrial cities "replace naturally-derived towns... destroying all earlier stages of handicrafts and industry. It has brought about the final victory of the town over the country." Third, regarding the relationship between private property and the development of productive forces, the "automatic system" of industry caused a rapid growth of productive forces but also became a "fetter" on their development; "under the rule of private property, these productive forces receive only a one-sided development and become destructive forces for the majority." Fourth, regarding class relations, "large-scale industry makes not only the relation of the worker to the capitalist, but labor itself, something unbearable for the worker." The internal contradictions of capitalist society, especially the intensification of class contradictions, became the "world-historical force" propelling this society toward the future communist society.

The unique proposition of "world history" is closely related to and organically integrated with historical materialism and the doctrine of communism. On one hand, this proposition is based on historical materialism while simultaneously providing proof for it. Marx and Engels believed that "the transformation of history into world history is not a mere abstract act on the part of 'self-consciousness,' the World Spirit, or of any other metaphysical specter, but a quite material, empirically verifiable act, an act the proof of which every individual furnishes as he comes and goes, eats, drinks and clothes himself." On the other hand, this proposition reveals the historical necessity of capitalism being replaced by future communism. Marx and Engels held that the "world history" process would achieve the "world-historical, instead of local, existence of individuals—that is, the existence of individuals which is directly linked up with world history," thereby inevitably evolving toward communism characterized by the well-rounded development of the individual. Marx's "world history" proposition is characterized by the theoretical foundation and ideological features of the necessity of capitalism's historical existence and the transitionality of its historical development. This is the fundamental stance and core essence for understanding Marx’s "world history" proposition.

(2) The Expansion of Marx's "World History" Proposition

Marx always treated the "world-history" proposition as a vital component of his theoretical research. In the mid-1870s, thirty years after the founding of historical materialism and the doctrine of communism, Marx provided a new interpretation of the "world history" proposition, specifically conducting a new exploration into the unity and universality of the "world-historical" process.

Prior to the 1870s, Marx's "world history" proposition focused on exploring the development path of capitalism on a global scale and the unity and universality of its inevitable transition to future communism. In the Manifesto of the Communist Party published in 1848, Marx and Engels stated: "The bourgeoisie has through its exploitation of the world market given a cosmopolitan character to production and consumption in every country," and similarly, "The bourgeoisie, by the rapid improvement of all instruments of production, by the immensely facilitated means of communication, draws all, even the most barbarian, nations into civilization." Volume 1 of Capital, published in 1867, took the typical form of British capitalist economic relations as its subject, providing a scientific demonstration of the capitalist mode of production and its corresponding relations of production and exchange. Marx pointedly noted: "The country that is more developed industrially only shows, to the less developed, the image of its own future." This meant that the history of developed countries was the reality of undeveloped ones; industrially developed countries showed less developed ones the scene of their future development, and undeveloped countries would have to experience the path that developed countries had already tread in history.

After the early 1870s, through in-depth research into Eastern societies—primarily Russian economic and social relations—Marx, while affirming the unity and universality of "world history," paid more attention to its divergence and diversity. In a speech at a mass meeting in Amsterdam in September 1872, Marx mentioned that "the worker must one day capture political power in order to establish a new organization of labor," but noted: "We have never asserted that the means to reach this goal are the same everywhere." On the contrary, "we must take into consideration the institutions, customs, and traditions of various countries," and that the "rule of labor" might be established through different means, whether peaceful or violent. In the mid-1870s, Marx further realized that due to differences in economic, social, historical, and cultural conditions, diverse and unique development paths suited to each country's reality would emerge in the "world-historical" process.

In a letter to the editorial board of Otechestvennye Zapiski (Notes on the Fatherland) in October–November 1877, Marx pointed out: "Events strikingly analogous but taking place in different historic surroundings led to totally different results. By studying each of these forms of evolution separately and then comparing them one can easily find the clue to this phenomenon, but one will never arrive there by the universal passport of a general historico-philosophical theory, the supreme virtue of which consists in being super-historical." In the process of "world history," the spatial coexistence of developed and undeveloped countries makes it entirely possible for undeveloped or non-capitalist countries to carve out a path that coexists with the development of developed countries. It is entirely possible for undeveloped countries to achieve their own leapfrog development, creating diversity in the "world-historical" process and giving rise to the question of the general law of social development versus the choice of diverse leapfrog development paths.

In his February–March 1881 reply to Vera Zasulich, Marx again mentioned the inevitable diversity of the paths of evolution for social formations in "world-historical" development. For example, historical research on the forms of the primitive commune showed that "it is wrong to lump all primitive communes together; just as in geological strata, there are a series of primary, secondary, and tertiary types in historical formations." Diverse paths and differences in social development are bound to appear in the "world-historical" process; even within the same social formation, specific social development patterns with their own characteristics may emerge due to the diversity of "primary," "secondary," and "tertiary" types.

(3) The Emergence of the "Crossing the Caudine Forks" Problem in Marx's "World History" Proposition

During his exploration of the nature of the Russian rural commune and its historical conditions, Marx raised the problem of "crossing the Caudine Forks" within the "world history" proposition. He believed that, on one hand, "Russia is the only European country in which the 'Agricultural Commune' has been preserved on a national scale to the present day," yet it was not "the prey of a foreign conqueror, as in the case of the East Indies." On the other hand, Russia did not exist in isolation from the modern world; it existed "contemporaneously with Western production, which dominates the world market." The question Marx posed was: "In order to utilize machines, steamships, railways, etc., must Russia first pass through a long gestation period of machine industry, as the West did?" His own answer was: "Russia can, without passing through the Caudine Forks of the capitalist system, appropriate all the positive achievements of the capitalist system into the commune." In the "world-historical" process, a country like Russia could strike out on a path that avoids the "terrible twists and turns" of capitalist production while possessing its "positive achievements." This is the essence of the "crossing the Caudine Forks" problem as Marx saw it.

Of course, what Marx proposed here was merely the theoretical possibility of "crossing the Caudine Forks." To transform this possibility into reality, certain internal and external conditions had to be met. The primary internal condition was that a social revolution must occur within Russia: "If the revolution takes place at an opportune moment, if it concentrates all its forces to ensure the free development of the rural commune, the latter will soon become an element of regeneration in Russian society and an element of superiority over the countries enslaved by the capitalist system." The primary external condition was that for Russia to achieve this "leap," it must obtain the support of a proletarian revolution in the West: "If the Russian Revolution becomes the signal for a proletarian revolution in the West, so that both complement each other, the present Russian common ownership of land may serve as the starting point for a communist development."

Marx's new interpretation of the "crossing the Caudine Forks" problem in his later years was a refinement and expansion of the "world history" proposition. This problem revealed the core issue of the development of Marxist "themes of the times" in the 20th century, exerting significant theoretical influence and ideological appeal on the 20th-century Marxist exploration of social revolution and paths of social development.

II. Breakthroughs in the "Crossing the Caudine Forks" Problem of the 20th-Century "World History" Proposition

The 20th century was the first complete century in the historical development of Marxism. Throughout this century, the development of scientific socialism took Marx's problem of "crossing the Caudine Forks" as its theme, and its characteristics were reflected in the major breakthroughs achieved in exploring this problem.

(1) Lenin's Pioneering Exploration of the "Crossing the Caudine Forks" Problem

At the beginning of the 20th century, Lenin faced the reality of Russia's economic and social development, deeply understood the new changes and characteristics of the historical development of world capitalism, and firmly grasped the "fundamental economic fact" in the shift of "world history" whereby "capitalist free competition is replaced by capitalist monopoly." He thus created the Marxist theory of imperialism. Lenin revealed that the "uneven economic and political development is an absolute law of capitalism," leading to the new theoretical judgment that "socialism may first achieve victory in a few or even in a single capitalist country," thereby directing the "crossing the Caudine Forks" problem toward Russian revolutionary strategy, tactics, and practice. Lenin's exploration of this problem focused on the following three aspects.

First, for countries with relatively backward economies and cultures to achieve a "leap," they must undergo a "special period" and "special stage" characterized by "transition." In the six months following the October Revolution, Lenin insisted that the nascent Soviet power must undergo a process of "a series of gradual changes" and required a "relatively cautious transition to the new system." He proposed the idea of "state capitalism" as the "threshold of socialism, the condition for the reliable victory of socialism." Lenin’s conceptualization of "transition" was a concrete exploration of the path and method for "leaping over the Caudine Forks." ^[3] After May 1918, facing the military threat of international imperialism, the Soviet regime was forced to turn toward "War Communism" characterized by a wartime controlled economy; however, he did not abandon the strategic and tactical thought of a "relatively cautious transition to the new system."

Second, realizing the "leap" requires institutional design and systemic arrangements regarding which "intermediate pathways, methods, means, and auxiliary measures" are to be used during the "transition." By the end of 1920, Lenin had realized that "the attempt to implement the socialist principles of production and distribution by the simplest, quickest, and most direct means has failed... it is necessary to retreat to the positions of state capitalism." The New Economic Policy became the institutional design and systemic arrangement for "indirect transition" made by Lenin while exploring the issue of the "leap." Lenin believed that whether in "direct transition" or "indirect transition," "we have not yet emerged from the initial stages of the transition from capitalism to socialism; the characteristics of Russia make this transition even more complex." In this process, "if our proletarian party does not learn the skill of organizing large-scale production of the trust type—that is, like a trust—from first-class experts of capitalism, there is no other way to acquire such a skill." Drawing upon and absorbing all the outstanding achievements of human civilization and progress within capitalist development became a vital issue in this "transition."

Third, during the exploration of the theory and practice of the New Economic Policy, the viewpoint was put forward that "our entire view of socialism has fundamentally changed." The core issue of this "fundamental change" lay in shifting the "center of gravity" of Party work from previous political struggle, revolution, and the seizure of power to "cultural transformation." Lenin argued: "Our political and social changes became the precursor to the cultural transformation, the cultural revolution, that we are now facing. Now, as long as this cultural revolution is realized, our country can become a fully socialist country. However, this cultural revolution, whether in its purely cultural aspects (since we are illiterate) or material aspects (since to become a cultured person, one must have a fairly developed production of material means of production and a significant material base), is exceptionally difficult for us." Lenin’s answer to Marx’s question of "leaping over the Caudine Forks" became an important component of the innovative development of scientific socialism in Russia.

(2) Autonomous exploration of the "Leaping over the Caudine Forks" issue during the Chinese Revolution and Construction.

China's national conditions differed significantly from those of Russia. In the early 20th century, China had already become the "prey of foreign conquerors," suffering under the aggression and plunder of imperialist powers for over half a century. China had been reduced to a semi-colonial and semi-feudal society. Marx’s basic vision of the "leap over the Caudine Forks" and Lenin’s exploration of the path of social revolution in Russia could not provide us with ready-made answers. In May 1943, upon the dissolution of the Third International, the Communist Party of China (CPC), in summarizing the experience of its own revolutionary path, pointed out: "For a long time, the Chinese Communists have been able to independently determine their own political line, policies, and actions based on the specific circumstances and special conditions of their own nation."

In July 1922, the Second National Congress of the Party proposed the path and main objectives of the "Democratic Revolution"; in January 1925, the Fourth National Congress raised the issues of proletarian leadership in the democratic revolution and the worker-peasant alliance. In particular, Mao Zedong's publication of "Analysis of the Classes in Chinese Society" in December 1925 employed the Marxist method of class analysis to provide a scientific evaluation of the economic status and political attitudes of various classes in Chinese society. This formed the basic vision for the theory and general line of the New Democratic Revolution, opening up the theory and practice of the Chinese revolutionary path in a semi-colonial and semi-feudal society. The Chinese Communists, with Comrade Mao Zedong as their chief representative, persisted in integrating Marxism-Leninism with China’s specific realities. They not only pioneered a unique path of social revolution for China but also formulated a systematic theory of the New Democratic Revolution, elucidating the principle that "the socialist revolution is the inevitable trend of the democratic revolution."

After the founding of the People's Republic of China, the CPC led the people of all ethnic groups across the country to propose the Party's General Line for the Transition Period ^[4], based on rapidly healing the wounds of war and restoring the national economy and in accordance with China's specific national conditions. They achieved the socialist transformation of agriculture, handicrafts, and capitalist industry and commerce. The path of socialist transformation with Chinese characteristics, pioneered uniquely by the CPC, was a creative response with distinct Chinese features to the problem of "leaping over the Caudine Forks."

During the period of socialist construction, Mao Zedong made the judgment that China was in the stage of "undeveloped socialism," thus defining the Chinese context of the "leaping over the Caudine Forks" issue. In December 1959, Mao pointed out: "The stage of socialism may again be divided into two stages: the first stage is undeveloped socialism, and the second stage is relatively developed socialism. The latter stage may take a longer time than the former." "Undeveloped socialism" is a "long process" and a transition period that "must undergo continuous quantitative changes and many partial qualitative changes" during its development.

The "Three Worlds" theory ^[5] established by Mao Zedong constitutes an important expansion of Marx’s "world history" proposition. In February 1974, while meeting with foreign friends, Mao Zedong proposed: "In my view, the United States and the Soviet Union belong to the First World. The middle elements, Japan, Europe, Australia, and Canada, belong to the Second World"; "Asia, except for Japan, belongs to the Third World. The whole of Africa belongs to the Third World, and Latin America too belongs to the Third World." The "Three Worlds" theory was a strategic and tactical conception of the state of "world history" under the pattern of US-Soviet hegemony at that time. In particular, it made two autonomous innovations to Marx’s "world history" proposition: first, it provided a new interpretation of the single capitalist subject in Marx’s "world history" proposition, putting forward the view that the subjects of "world history" coexist in the diversity of the "three worlds"; second, it proposed that in the new pattern of "world history," "the world actually consists of three aspects, three worlds, which are both interconnected and contradictory." In the pattern of the coexistence of the "three worlds," there is both "interconnection" through cooperation and exchange, and "contradiction" through confrontation and conflict. This raised the problem of the dialectical relationship between the two sides of the "coexistence" pattern of the subjects of "world history" in the present age.

(3) Breakthrough explorations of the "Leaping over the Caudine Forks" issue in the New Period. ^[6]

During the New Period of reform and opening up, the Chinese academic community conducted extensive research on Marx’s "world history" proposition and the "leaping over the Caudine Forks" issue. The CPC creatively integrated the "leaping over the Caudine Forks" issue with the practice of exploring the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics. In grasping the dialectical relationship between the two sides of the "coexistence" pattern of socialism and capitalism, it made creative inquiries into the social development path of countries like China with relatively backward economies and cultures.

First, it provided answers regarding the institutional stipulations and essential characteristics of the "leaping over the Caudine Forks" issue. The CPC made the judgment that China is in and will long remain in the primary stage of socialism. It proposed that the essence of socialism is to liberate and develop the productive forces, eliminate exploitation, eradicate polarization, and ultimately achieve common prosperity. It formed new ideas and perspectives, such as the view that the development of a socialist market economy is an inevitable choice for the theoretical and practical development of socialism with Chinese characteristics.

Second, it provided answers regarding the core essence of the "leaping over the Caudine Forks" issue. Adhering to reform and opening up as a basic state policy and maintaining the principle that development is for the people, relies on the people, and its fruits are shared by the people, the Party established its basic line and basic program for the primary stage of socialism based on the "theme of the times" ^[7] and the principal contradiction in the primary stage of socialism. It put forward innovative theories such as the "three-step" strategic plan ^[8] to basically achieve modernization and launched original practices.

Third, it provided answers regarding the fundamental requirements of the "leaping over the Caudine Forks" issue. The CPC closely integrated the promotion of the "Great New Project of Party Building" with the advancement of the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics. Centering on the historical tasks of improving the Party’s leadership and governing capacity and strengthening its ability to resist corruption, prevent degeneration, and withstand risks, the Party persisted in ensuring the Party exercises self-supervision and practices comprehensively and strictly governing the Party. This ensured that the Party always remains at the forefront of the times throughout the historical process of profound changes in the world economic and political landscape and remains the pillar of the people throughout the historical process of responding to various risks and tests at home and abroad.

Fourth, it gave a new interpretation of the historical dialectical relationship between the two sides of the "coexistence" of socialism and capitalism in the "leaping over the Caudine Forks" issue. By taking economic construction as the center, adhering to reform and opening up, and upholding the Four Cardinal Principles, ^[9] the Party both boldly drew upon and absorbed all the achievements of civilization in capitalist development and resolutely prevented and resisted all the disastrous consequences of capitalist development. It clearly recognized that "our struggle against various domestic and foreign hostile forces regarding infiltration and anti-infiltration, subversion and anti-subversion, will be long-term and complex."

Fifth, it enriched and perfected the contemporary significance of Marx's "world history" proposition by grasping the "characteristics of the era" and the "world landscape." In 1985, Deng Xiaoping proposed: "There are two truly great issues in the world today, global strategic issues: one is the issue of peace, and the other is the economic issue, or the issue of development." The 14th National Congress of the Party summarized these two major issues of peace and development as the "theme of the times" and the "characteristics of the era." The two themes of peace and development complement each other; China is an important force in maintaining world peace and development. "As a socialist country and the world's largest developing country, China's position and role in the process of multipolarization are vastly different from those of the great Western powers." In the New Period, starting from the "leaping over the Caudine Forks" issue, the CPC extended its reach into an expansive discussion of Marx’s "world history" proposition.

III. The Innovation and Expansion of Marx's "World History" Proposition in the New Era

Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, socialism with Chinese characteristics has entered a New Era, and Marx's "world history" proposition has seen significant expansion and innovation. This innovation, based on the great achievements of socialism with Chinese characteristics in the New Era, returns the exploration of the "leaping over the Caudine Forks" issue to Marx’s "world history" proposition and conducts pioneering research on the "world history" proposition in the New Era. This innovation is manifested in the fact that, along with the systematic development of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, the "world history" proposition of the New Era has gradually evolved into a systematized theory. The period from the 18th National Congress to the 19th National Congress was the period when the basic theoretical views of the New Era "world history" proposition were formed; the period from the 19th National Congress to the 20th National Congress was the period when the systematized theory of the New Era "world history" proposition developed.

(1) The grand conception of the Chinese Dream of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation demonstrates the new starting point for the exploration of the "world history" proposition in the New Era.

In November 2012, shortly after the 18th National Congress of the CPC, Xi Jinping, while visiting the exhibition "The Road to Rejuvenation," stated: "Realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation is the greatest dream of the Chinese nation since modern times began. This dream embodies the long-cherished aspirations of several generations of Chinese people, reflects the overall interests of the Chinese nation and the Chinese people, and is the common expectation of every son and daughter of the Chinese nation." The "Chinese Dream" is a leap forward in the Chinese nation’s pursuit of the noble ideals of "national prosperity, national rejuvenation, and people's happiness" since the beginning of the modern era. It is an expression of the CPC’s historical pursuit and contemporary responsibility in its unremitting struggle over the past century, and a declaration of the CPC’s historical consciousness and ideological stature as it moves toward the center of the world stage.

The Chinese Dream expresses the common vision of every Chinese person and is closely linked to the beautiful dreams of people in all countries. Xi Jinping pointed out: "The Chinese Dream we want to realize will benefit not only the Chinese people but also the people of all countries." The profound vision of the Chinese Dream fundamentally changed the subjects and themes of "world history" faced by Marx in the mid-19th century, establishing a reliable subject and a credible theme for the "world history" proposition in the New Era, and forming the foundational theory of the "world history" proposition in the New Era.

During the century following the Opium War, the Chinese people developed an unforgettable memory of the suffering brought by internal strife and foreign invasion, as well as a tireless pursuit of peace. "In poverty, one should attend to their own virtue; in prosperity, one should strive to benefit the whole world." ^[10] Realizing the Chinese Dream brings opportunities to the world rather than threats; it facilitates progress rather than regression, and represents win-win cooperation rather than a zero-sum game. The Chinese people share their own developmental experience and opportunities with all countries of the world. The Chinese Dream is a dream of the Chinese people pursuing a beautiful life, and it is also a dream of a world dedicated to peace, development, progress, and security. Facing the new developments in socialism with Chinese characteristics, Xi Jinping pointed out: "Our responsibility is to unite and lead the entire Party and the people of all ethnic groups throughout the country, take up the baton of history, and continue to strive for the realization of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, so that the Chinese nation may stand firmer and stronger among the nations of the world, and make new and greater contributions to humanity." This is the fundamental theme of the development of socialism with Chinese characteristics in the New Era, and an important base point for breaking new ground regarding Marx's "world history" proposition in the New Era.

(2) Exploration of the 500-year "Big History" of world socialism opens a new horizon for the "world history" proposition in the New Era

History is the best textbook. Xi Jinping believes: "Only within the long river of the history of all human development can one perceive the essence of historical movements and the direction of the development of the times." In January 2013, in a speech at a seminar for newly elected members and alternate members of the 18th CPC Central Committee, Xi Jinping took a panoramic view of the 500-year "big history" ^[11] of world socialism. He provided an in-depth explanation of the developmental process of socialism: from utopia to science, from theory to reality, from practice in one country to development in multiple countries, and from a single model to multiple forms. This demonstrated the grand epic of socialist "world history" and the profound horizon of the "world history" proposition in the New Era.

The 500 years of world socialism constitute a magnificent historical process—from the ideological source of utopian socialism promoted by More in Utopia in 1516, to the creation of the theoretical system of scientific socialism by Marx and Engels, to Lenin’s leadership in the victory of the October Revolution and the practice of socialism, the gradual formation of the Soviet model and its historical upheavals, then to the exploration and practice of socialism by the Communist Party of China after the founding of the People's Republic of China, and finally to the CPC's historic decision to implement reform and opening up and the creation and development of socialism with Chinese characteristics. Reviewing the 500-year history of socialism helps deepen the understanding of the "big history" involving the arduous exploration, tortuous development, and determined advancement of socialist ideas, movements, and systems. It helps strengthen "Four Confidences" in the path, theory, system, and culture of socialism with Chinese characteristics; it helps deepen faith in communism, belief in scientific socialism, and conviction in socialism with Chinese characteristics; it also helps grasp the trends and essence of human social development, expanding the new field of vision for understanding the "world history" proposition in the New Era.

Corresponding to Xi Jinping’s speech in January 2013, in his important speech "Adhere to Historical Materialism and Constantly Open Up New Realms for the Development of Contemporary Chinese Marxism" delivered at the eleventh collective study session of the Political Bureau of the 18th Central Committee in December 2013, he proposed the thought on the historical dialectical relationship between the "Two Inevitabilities" and the "Two Nevers" ^[12] regarding Marx and Engels. Xi Jinping believes that the argument in the Communist Manifesto that "the fall of the bourgeoisie and the victory of the proletariat are equally inevitable"—the "Two Inevitabilities"—is "in terms of the overall development trend of human history and is the inevitable direction of historical laws." The Preface to A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy proposed the "Two Nevers" argument, namely that "no social formation is ever destroyed before all the productive forces for which it is sufficient have been developed, and new superior relations of production never replace older ones before the material conditions for their existence have matured within the framework of the old society." This argument "helps us understand why capitalism has not yet completely perished, why socialism would experience twists and turns like the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the drastic changes in Eastern Europe, and why the communism predicted by Marxism still needs to go through a long period of historical development to be realized." Only by proceeding from the historical dialectical relationship between the "Two Inevitabilities" and the "Two Nevers" can we deeply understand the "inevitable direction of historical laws" in which socialism inevitably replaces capitalism. Only then can we profoundly grasp the historical and theoretical roots of the three "whys" in the era of the coexistence of socialism and capitalism, and expand the new horizon for profoundly analyzing Marx's "world history" proposition in the New Era.

(3) The conception of a community with a shared future for humanity establishes a new realm for the exploration of the "world history" proposition in the New Era

In March 2013, Xi Jinping delivered a speech titled "Following the Trend of the Times and Promoting World Peace and Development" at the Moscow State Institute of International Relations. He proposed the thesis that "we live in a time of volatile changes and face a world of rapid daily transformations." From the perspective of "new-type international relations" theory, he explained the issue of a community with a shared future for humanity for the first time, answering the epochal question concerning "world history" of "what kind of world to build and how to build this world."

In his explanation of the new characteristics of changes in "world history" in the 21st century, Xi Jinping proposed: "Peace, development, cooperation, and win-win results have become the trend of the times; the old colonial system has collapsed, and the bloc confrontation of the Cold War era no longer exists. No single country or group of countries can dominate world affairs alone." Today's world will inevitably treat and handle major issues concerning the fate of humanity through a new type of "community," highlighting the new characteristics of changes in the contemporary international economic and political landscape. In this new landscape, the defining feature of the new changes in the process of "world history" is that "the degree of interconnection and interdependence among countries has deepened to an unprecedented level. Humanity lives in the same global village, in the same time and space where history and reality intersect, increasingly becoming a community with a shared future where we are part of each other." Facing the profound changes in the international situation and the new shifts in the world landscape, jointly promoting the establishment of "a new type of international relations centered on win-win cooperation" will certainly become a trend of the times and a new developmental posture for "world history."

In March 2015, while attending the Boao Forum for Asia Annual Conference, Xi Jinping proposed the initiative of "moving toward an Asian community with a shared future to promote the construction of a community with a shared future for humanity." In September 2015, in his speech at the General Debate of the 70th Session of the United Nations General Assembly, Xi Jinping initially and systematically elaborated on the scientific connotation of building a community with a shared future for humanity. Its core essence is: "establishing partnerships based on equal treatment and mutual consultation," "creating a security landscape of fairness, justice, joint contribution, and shared benefits," "seeking development prospects of openness, innovation, inclusiveness, and mutual benefit," "promoting cultural exchanges characterized by harmony in diversity and inclusiveness," and "constructing an ecological system that respects nature and pursues green development." In January 2017, when delivering a keynote speech titled "Work Together to Build a Community with a Shared Future for Humanity" at the United Nations Office in Geneva, Xi Jinping started with the questions "What has happened to the world? What should we do?" and explained in detail the motivations, vision, and implementation paths for building a community with a shared future for humanity. "Those good at learning exhaust the principles; those good at acting investigate the difficulties." ^[13] Xi Jinping pointed out: "Building a community with a shared future for humanity is a beautiful goal, and it is also a goal that requires generations of relay races to achieve. China is willing to work with the broad member states, international organizations, and agencies to jointly advance the great process of building a community with a shared future for humanity." The concept and vision of a community with a shared future for humanity manifest a new realm for the "world history" proposition in the New Era.

(4) The new development philosophy innovates the dominant principles of the "world history" proposition in the New Era

After the 18th CPC National Congress, Xi Jinping, from the height of achieving the grand goal of decisively finishing the building of a moderately prosperous society in all respects and advancing toward the "Second Centenary Goal," ^[14] endowed the question of "what kind of development to achieve and how to develop" with new epochal connotations. In October 2015, while formulating the 13th Five-Year Plan, Xi Jinping proposed the new development philosophy for the first time from the perspective of "solving development problems and strengthening development advantages." The new development philosophy is an organic whole that "promotes innovation, emphasizes coordination, advocates green development, fosters openness, and advances sharing." Its connotations and orientations complement and reinforce each other, exerting a role and significance that "governs the overall situation, governs fundamentals, governs direction, and governs the long term" for economic and social development. While formulating the 14th Five-Year Plan, Xi Jinping emphasized: "Since the 18th CPC National Congress, we have proposed many major theories and concepts regarding economic and social development, among which the new development philosophy is the most important and primary one."

What kind of development to achieve and how to develop is a major issue facing all countries in the world. The exploration of this major issue by the new development philosophy holds not only Chinese significance but also profound world significance; it is a successful exploration of the laws of human social development. The new development philosophy includes a summary of the experiences and lessons of global and social development, and is the result of investigating the so-called "middle-income trap" and the predicaments in social development. The series of theoretical viewpoints and practical guidance proposed by the new development philosophy regarding developmental direction, strategy, tactics, goals, steps, focus points, and performance provide important enlightenment for developing countries to leap over the so-called "middle-income trap." The contributions of world significance made by the new development philosophy provide the dominant principles for exploring the "world history" proposition in the New Era.

IV. Systematic Theoretical Elaboration of the "World History" Proposition in the New Era

Since the 18th CPC National Congress, Xi Jinping has conducted innovative explorations of the development of Marx’s "world history" proposition in the 21st century across several dimensions—the new base point of the Chinese Dream of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, the new horizon of the "big view of history" of socialism, the new realm of a community with a shared future for humanity, and the dominant principles of the new development philosophy. These have laid an important foundation for the innovative development of the "world history" proposition in the New Era and its leap toward systematic theory after the 19th CPC National Congress.

(1) The "world history" proposition of Marx emerges as a new task for the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism

After the 19th CPC National Congress, the most significant characteristic of the development and innovation of Marx's "world history" proposition in China was its entry into the discourse system and theoretical inquiry of the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism in the New Era, becoming a prominent theoretical task of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era.

In May 2018, at the conference commemorating the 200th anniversary of the birth of Marx, Xi Jinping pointed out while reviewing the theoretical contributions of Marx's "world history" proposition: "To learn from Marx, we must learn and practice Marxist thoughts on world history. Marx and Engels said: 'The more the original isolation of the separate nationalities is destroyed by the perfected mode of production and intercourse, and by the natural division of labour between various nations as a result of this, the more history becomes world history.' This prediction by Marx and Engels has now become a reality, and history and reality increasingly prove the scientific value of this prediction." Xi Jinping's full affirmation of the scientific value of Marx's "world history" proposition is a concentrated manifestation and verification of the intellectual quality of treating science with a scientific attitude and pursuing truth with the spirit of truth; it is the conceptual essence that endows this Marxist proposition with New Era connotations.

In further explaining the development and characteristics of Marx's "world history" proposition in the New Era, Xi Jinping pointed out: "Today, the world-wide nature of human interaction is deeper and more extensive than ever before, and the interconnection and interdependence between countries are more frequent and closer than ever before. An integrated world is right there; whoever rejects this world, this world will also reject them. All things grow together without harming each other; roads run parallel without interfering with one another." ^[15] When applying Marx's "world history" proposition to the new process of "world history" in the 21st century, one must profoundly observe, interpret, and lead the era. Based on the vivid and rich contemporary practices of China, we must use a broad vision to absorb all the outstanding achievements of civilization created by humanity, advance with the times, uphold the fundamentals and break new ground, and promote the developmental innovation of Marx’s "world history" proposition.

In imparting the connotations of the New Era to Marx’s "world history" thesis, Xi Jinping pointed out: "We must stand at the height of world history to examine current global development trends and major issues. We must persist in the path of peaceful development, maintain an independent foreign policy of peace, and uphold an opening-up strategy of mutual benefit and win-win results. We should continuously expand cooperation with all countries, actively participate in global governance, and achieve win-win cooperation and common development in more fields and at higher levels. We will neither depend on others nor, even less so, plunder others. Together with the people of all nations, we will strive to build a community with a shared future for humanity and make the world a better place." Xi Jinping has thus revealed the vital content of the "world history" thesis in the New Era, including its epochal background, historical subjects, and theoretical themes.

Since Marx proposed the "world history" thesis and the question of "skipping the Caudine Fork" ^[16], the latter became the core theme of Leninism, Mao Zedong Thought, and the Theoretical System of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics in their exploration of the path to socialism for economically and culturally backward countries during the development of Marxism in the 20th century. This resulted in multifaceted theoretical development and innovation regarding Marx’s "world history" thesis. Upon entering the 21st century, the most significant change in the development of socialism with Chinese characteristics and world socialism has been: "presenting Marxism to the world with a brand-new image, and bringing about a major shift in the historical evolution and contest between the two ideologies and social systems of socialism and capitalism on a global scale—a shift favorable to socialism." This remarkable change provided the profound epochal background and fundamental theoretical premise for Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era to return to the essence of Marx’s "world history" thesis itself. Consequently, Sinicized and modernized Marxism possesses the doctrinal essentials and scholarly foundation to innovate upon Marx’s "world history" thesis.

(2) The Basic Characteristics of the New Era of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics Immerse the "World History" Thesis in a Distinctive Background

The development of Marx’s "world history" thesis in the New Era is grounded in the shift of the "new historical coordinates" of the New Era. At the 19th Party Congress, Xi Jinping summarized the basic characteristics of the New Era in five dimensions: first, it is an "era of building on past successes to further advance our cause, and of continuing to strive for the great victory of socialism with Chinese characteristics under new historical conditions"; second, it is an "era of securing a decisive victory in building a moderately prosperous society in all respects and then moving on to all-out efforts to build a great modern socialist country"; third, it is an "era for the Chinese people of all ethnic groups to work together and create a better life for themselves and gradually achieve common prosperity for everyone"; fourth, it is an "era for all of us, the sons and daughters of the Chinese nation, to strive with one heart to realize the Chinese Dream of national rejuvenation"; and fifth, it is an "era that will see China moving closer to center stage and making greater contributions to mankind." These five characteristics reveal the fundamental traits and defining regulations of socialism with Chinese characteristics as it advances from the "new period" ^[17] into the New Era. Among these, the characteristic of "moving closer to center stage and making greater contributions to mankind" profoundly elucidates that the contemporary world is a unified whole of close connections and mutual influence; China's development and world development share weal and woe, and China's interests are inseparable from those of the world. Since the beginning of Reform and Opening-up, with the continuous development of China's economy and society and our deep participation in global trade and governance, the relationship between China and the world has undergone a fundamental transformation.

In the New Era, China's development has become an inseparable and vital component of global development, providing an important reference for all countries, especially the broad range of developing nations. Facing profound changes in the international landscape and international relations, as well as an increasingly volatile ^[18] international environment, China must coordinate the two orientations of domestic and international affairs. We must consistently hold high the banner of peace, development, cooperation, and mutual benefit; adhere to the foreign policy goals of maintaining world peace and promoting common development; actively develop global partnerships; and participate in the reform and construction of the global governance system. We must promote the building of a community with a shared future for humanity and make new and greater contributions to building a new world of lasting peace, universal security, common prosperity, openness, inclusiveness, cleanliness, and beauty.

(3) Chinese-path Modernization Anchors the Developmental Direction of the "World History" Thesis in the New Era

In October 2020, while drafting the blueprint for the Second Centenary Goal ^[19] at the Fifth Plenary Session of the 19th CPC Central Committee, Xi Jinping explained the primary connotations and basic characteristics of Chinese-path modernization. He proposed for the first time the idea that "our country must unswervingly promote Chinese-path modernization, use Chinese-path modernization to advance the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, and continuously make new and greater contributions to humanity." At the 20th Party Congress, Xi Jinping further stated in his explanation of Chinese-path modernization: "From this day forward, the central task of the Communist Party of China will be to lead the Chinese people of all ethnic groups in a concerted effort to realize the Second Centenary Goal of building China into a great modern socialist country in all respects and to advance the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation on all fronts through a Chinese path to modernization." In February 2023, at the opening of a seminar for principal officials at the provincial and ministerial level to study and implement the spirit of the 20th Party Congress, Xi Jinping first proposed the thesis of "initially constructing a theoretical system for Chinese-path modernization." Xi Jinping integrated the primary connotations of Chinese-path modernization proposed at the Fifth Plenary Session of the 19th Central Committee and the 20th Party Congress with his exposition of its specificities and characteristics. In modernizations characterized by a massive population, common prosperity for all, the coordination of material and cultural-ethical advancement, harmony between humanity and nature, and the path of peaceful development, he highlighted creative concepts such as maintaining historical initiative, following historical trends, inheriting Chinese culture, persisting in sustainable development, and maintaining world peace. In particular, his explanation of "modernization following the path of peaceful development" emphasizes that China will not follow the old track of certain countries that achieved modernization through war, colonization, and plunder. It highlights that Chinese modernization "stands firmly on the right side of history and on the side of human civilizational progress, holding high the banner of peace, development, cooperation, and mutual benefit, seeking its own development while resolutely maintaining world peace and development, and better maintaining world peace and development through its own development."

The entry of China’s 1.4 billion people into a modern society will completely rewrite the global map of modernization; the realization of common prosperity for all our people will raise high the great banner of the people-centered development philosophy across the world. Especially in a landscape of "coexistence," "our modernization is one that follows the path of peaceful development. Some old-line capitalist countries followed a path of violent plunder of colonies; theirs was a modernization at the expense of other countries’ backwardness. Our modernization emphasizes mutual benefit and win-win results with all countries, promotes the building of a community with a shared future for humanity, and strives to contribute to human peace and development." In March 2023, in his keynote speech titled "Join Hands on the Path Towards Modernization" at the CPC in Dialogue with World Political Parties High-level Meeting, Xi Jinping proposed: "The various civilizations created by human society all shine with brilliance, accumulating a profound heritage and imparting distinctive characteristics to the modernization of various countries. These civilizations transcend time and space, surpass national borders, and together make important contributions to the modernization process of human society. As a new form of human civilization, Chinese-path modernization learns from other civilizations and will greatly enrich the garden of world civilizations."

(4) A Community with a Shared Future for Humanity and the Common Values of Humanity Enrich the Connotations of the "World History" Thesis in the New Era

At the 19th Party Congress, Xi Jinping explained the core content of a community with a shared future for humanity from the perspectives of politics, security, the economy, culture, and ecology. He proposed: "The world we live in is full of hope and challenges. We must not give up on our dreams because the reality is complex, nor should we give up on our pursuits because the ideals are distant. No country can alone respond to the various challenges facing humanity, nor can any country retreat into a self-enclosed island." At the 20th Party Congress, Xi Jinping emphasized that building a community with a shared future for humanity is the way forward for all the world's people. He called for "the people of all countries to promote the common values of humanity—peace, development, equity, justice, democracy, and freedom—to foster mutual understanding and affinity among peoples, and to respect the diversity of world civilizations. Let us ensure that civilizational exchanges transcend barriers, mutual learning transcends conflict, and coexistence transcends superiority, so that we may jointly respond to various global challenges." The progression from a community with a shared future for humanity to the common values of humanity represents an expansion of the connotations of the "world history" thesis in the New Era.

Building a community with a shared future for humanity serves as the developmental positioning of the "world history" thesis in the New Era. it is an innovative development of the subjects and themes of "world history" proposed by Marx, establishing the fundamental characteristics of the "world history" thesis in the New Era. Xi Jinping pointed out: "A community with a shared future for humanity, as the name implies, means that the future and destiny of every nation and every country are closely linked. We should stand together through thick and thin, share honor and disgrace, and strive to build the planet where we were born and raised into a harmonious family, turning the aspirations of people all over the world for a better life into reality." Amidst the changes unseen in a century, although economic globalization has encountered headwinds and "reverse currents," trade frictions have intensified, and protectionism and unilateralism have become prevalent in some countries, in the long run, the interests of all countries today are highly integrated. Humanity is a community with a shared future, economic globalization remains the trend of history, and the division of labor, cooperation, and mutual benefit among nations remain the long-term trend. The essence of building a community with a shared future for humanity lies in building a world of lasting peace, universal security, common prosperity, openness, inclusiveness, cleanliness, and beauty. Xi Jinping noted: "To build a community with a shared future for humanity, we should make unremitting and persistent efforts. We must not give up on our dreams because the reality is complex, nor should we give up on our pursuits because the ideals are distant." The more we face the "reverse currents" of economic globalization, the more we must hold high the banner of building a community with a shared future for humanity.

In March 2023, at the CPC in Dialogue with World Political Parties High-level Meeting, Xi Jinping first proposed the Global Civilization Initiative. Together with the Global Development Initiative proposed in 2021 and the Global Security Initiative proposed in 2022, it has become the ideological foundation and practical path supporting and leading the construction of a community with a shared future for humanity. These "Three Initiatives" are rooted in the reality of the changes unseen in a century, conform to the trends of epochal development, seek the direction of global development, and look forward to the future of human progress. They enrich the ideological meaning, practical direction, and value consensus of Xi Jinping’s thoughts on a community with a shared future for humanity. They fully demonstrate Xi Jinping's problem-consciousness, historical consciousness, and epochal responsibility in innovating the "world history" thesis for the New Era, embodying the intellectual wisdom, theoretical charm, and lofty ideals of this thesis.

(5) A New Form of Human Civilization Sublimates the Ideological Realm of the "World History" Thesis in the New Era

In his speech at the ceremony marking the centenary of the Communist Party of China, Xi Jinping proposed while explaining a new form of human civilization: "As we have upheld and developed socialism with Chinese characteristics and driven coordinated progress in material, political, cultural-ethical, social, and ecological terms, we have pioneered a new and uniquely Chinese path to modernization, and created a new form of human civilization." At the 20th Party Congress, while explaining the world-renowned great achievements of the Party and the country since the 18th Party Congress, Xi Jinping again mentioned this new form of human civilization, demanding that we "continuously enrich and develop the new form of human civilization" while comprehensively advancing various causes of socialism with Chinese characteristics. This new form of human civilization takes the development of the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics as its basic premise, the exploration and development of Chinese-path modernization as its primary process and fundamental goal, and the progress of the "five civilizations" ^[20] as its main content. It is a scientific exploration of the laws of human social development and a creative exploration of the "world history" thesis in the New Era.

The new form of human civilization is not merely a summary of the particularity of the developmental forms of Chinese society; it also draws upon and absorbs all valuable intellectual resources from the development of human civilization, reflecting Chinese wisdom in the exploration of civilizational forms. The new form of human civilization is an extension of the characteristics and connotations of Chinese-path modernization, closely integrated with the five basic characteristics of Chinese-path modernization. The Resolution of the CPC Central Committee on the Major Achievements and Historical Experience of the Party over the Past Century, adopted at the Sixth Plenary Session of the 19th Central Committee, pointed out: "The Party has led the people in successfully pioneering a Chinese path to modernization and creating a new form of human civilization. This has expanded the channels for developing countries to achieve modernization and provided a brand-new choice for those countries and nations that wish to accelerate their development while maintaining their independence." The combination of the new form of human civilization with Chinese-path modernization has opened a new path and direction for the development of human civilization, deepening the connotations and ideological realm of the "world history" thesis in the New Era.

The new form of human civilization ^[21] centrally embodies the theories of scientific socialism regarding the civilizational forms of society. It is the theoretical crystallization of the Communist Party of China’s century-long struggle for the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation ^[22], particularly within the process of upholding and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics in the New Era. Furthermore, it represents the sublimation of the systematized doctrine regarding the "world history" proposition in the New Era.

(Author Profile: Gu Hailiang is a Boya Chair Professor at Peking University) Web Editor: Tongxin Source: Marxism & Reality, Issue 5, 2023