Wang Yanlong: Challenges and Strategic Adjustments of the Communist Party of the Netherlands in the Pursuit of Socialism
I. The Founding and Early Goals of the CPN
The Communist Party of the Netherlands (CPN, Communistische Partij Nederland) was formed in 1909 by left-wing members who split from the Social Democratic Workers' Party (Sociaal-Democratische Arbeiders Partij). It traversed the storms of social upheaval and political transformation throughout the 20th century. This article aims to provide a thorough analysis of how the CPN shaped its political stance against the backdrop of shifting international circumstances, how it maintained and developed core socialist values amidst the tide of globalization, and how it sought a balance between adhering to socialism and embracing democratic concepts. By understanding the history of the CPN, one can gain insight into the unique expression of socialism as it responded to international and domestic political, social, and economic challenges within a specific national context, as well as the adaptability and transformative capacity of socialist thought when faced with global political shifts and social challenges.
The early developmental trajectory of the CPN can be viewed as a response to global political dynamics in the early 20th century, particularly the Russian October Revolution and the international communist movement it triggered. During this period, Dutch society underwent profound changes, and the domestic economy was in a state of transition and turmoil. Faced with this specific political environment, the CPN focused on class struggle and the dictatorship of the proletariat, striving to spread socialism.
(1) The Socio-economic and Political Environment at the Founding of the CPN
At its inception, the CPN faced a society experiencing economic fluctuations brought about by World War I, rapid urbanization driven by industrialization, a growing working class, and increasing political awakening. Although the Netherlands remained neutral during the war, the conflict nevertheless had a profound impact on the domestic social and economic structure. In the early stages of the war, as neutral states could continue trading with both the Allied and Central Powers to meet their wartime demands, Dutch agriculture and trade experienced a brief period of prosperity. However, as the war persisted, this prosperity was quickly replaced by shortages and inflation. During the war, due to the Allied blockade on imports and transshipments to the Central Powers, as well as Germany’s unrestricted submarine warfare, Dutch exports came to a near-complete standstill. This left the Dutch domestic market facing severe shortages of goods. Consequently, from 1916 onwards, many domestic goods in the Netherlands (coffee, tea, meat, cheese, milk, butter, wheat, soap, and coal) were rationed, with the public purchasing these scarce commodities through government-issued distribution coupons. Despite the Dutch government's attempts to alleviate the pressure of shortages and rising prices through rationing and price controls, the daily lives of the general populace, especially low-income groups, remained affected. After the war, although the Netherlands had not suffered direct destruction, the long-term disruption of trade and material shortages impacted industrial and agricultural production. The international trade environment became more complex and uncertain, further exacerbating domestic economic instability.
Simultaneously, the acceleration of the industrialization process in the Netherlands drove rapid urbanization. Accompanied by the migration of large numbers of rural residents to cities, the working class grew rapidly. The resulting issues—long working hours, low wages, and poor working environments—ignited a desperate desire within the working class to improve their living conditions. This promoted the development of the labor movement and provided a conducive environment for the founding of the CPN.
The establishment of the CPN was a critique of the traditional Dutch political system and a reaction to a complex domestic and international political background. On one hand, the economic and social changes caused by World War I prompted the public to question the traditional political system; particularly among the working class and lower strata of society, dissatisfaction with the representativeness and fairness of the existing political order gradually transformed into demands for more radical political change. On the other hand, the success of the October Revolution in Russia exerted a profound influence on the international communist movement, setting an example of radical change for socialists worldwide and finding resonance in the Netherlands. In this context, socialist and communist ideas spread further among the working class. The Dutch working class began to realize that only by uniting could they become a powerful political force to drive social and political change. Some radicals among them began to seek the establishment of a new political and social order, advocating for the overthrow of the capitalist system through revolutionary means and the creation of a society led by the working class.
Furthermore, the Social Democratic Workers' Party, as the primary left-wing force before and during the war, faced internal divisions over revolutionary strategy and goals in the wake of the October Revolution and the rise of the international communist movement. This divergence eventually led some of the more radical socialists to turn toward communist ideals, which precipitated the founding of the CPN. The CPN represented a more radical and direct approach to social change, forming a sharp contrast with the incremental reforms of the Social Democratic Workers' Party.
(2) Early Socialist Concepts and Goals of the CPN
The CPN's ideology and actions were deeply influenced by Marxism-Leninism and a steadfast commitment to socialist ideals. This was reflected not only in the party's manifestos and policy documents but also in its daily political activities and organizational work. The CPN conducted a profound critique of capitalist social structures and economic systems, arguing that the inherent class contradictions and mechanisms of exploitation in capitalism were the root causes of social inequality and the suffering of the working class. It believed capitalism destroyed the material, intellectual, and moral standards of living for the people, and that true social liberation and justice could only be achieved by abolishing the capitalist system and establishing a socialist one. In this process, the CPN emphasized the importance of the dictatorship of the proletariat, maintaining that the proletariat was the primary driver of social change and that a dictatorship of the proletariat should be established during the transition to a socialist society. Furthermore, the CPN insisted that the proletarian struggle was a global struggle crossing national borders, advocating for the proletariat of all countries to unite against capitalist and imperialist oppression.
In its early stages, the CPN’s primary goals were to mobilize and unite the working class, overthrow the capitalist system, and establish a socialist society. To achieve these grand objectives, the CPN formulated a series of policies. First, it emphasized political education and ideological propaganda to enhance the class consciousness and revolutionary awareness of the working class. Through the publication of De Tribune (The Tribune), pamphlets, and flyers, and the organization of educational activities for workers, the CPN widely disseminated socialist and communist ideas among party members and the broader working class and social groups. Second, it actively organized and led the labor movement to strengthen the unity and combativeness of the working class. Third, it participated in domestic political struggles and elections, attempting to advance the socialist agenda within the existing political system to expand its influence and bolster its political legitimacy. In 1919, the CPN joined the Comintern [1], engaging in close exchanges and cooperation with communist parties of other nations, which to an extent elevated its international standing.
II. Challenges and Policy Adjustments of the CPN During World War II
For the CPN, World War II was a period of extreme challenge as well as significant historical opportunity. Faced with brutal suppression by Nazi Germany, the CPN not only maintained its anti-fascist stance but also conducted a profound reflection and adjustment of its pursuit of socialism. During this period, the CPN demonstrated a steadfast belief in freedom and justice.
(1) The CPN's Role in the Resistance Movement
The resistance activities of the CPN were a vital component of the Dutch resistance during World War II. In 1940, the invasion and occupation by Nazi Germany forced the CPN to transform from a party operating in the open to a secret resistance organization. Under the shadow of war, the CPN actively organized and participated in numerous resistance activities, sabotaging Nazi German forces, providing intelligence to the Allies, and protecting Dutch citizens from the atrocities of Nazi Germany.
First, it established a broad domestic underground network, printing and distributing underground publications and rescuing persecuted Jews. These underground publications not only disseminated anti-fascism and provided political propaganda and education but also actively encouraged the populace to participate in resistance activities. In particular, it used underground newspapers such as De Waarheid (The Truth) to expose Nazi German atrocities and provide the Allies with critical intelligence on Nazi military operations and occupation policies. Simultaneously, the CPN participated in actions to protect Jews and other communists, helping them evade arrest and massacre by Nazi Germany. In 1942, the CPN acted in coordination with rescue organizations such as the National Organization for Aid to People in Hiding (Landelijke Organisatie voor Hulp aan Onderduikers) [2] to assist arrested and rounded-up Jews, while providing substantial aid to Jews living underground.
Second, it was active in organizing and participating in various actions to obstruct the transport of supplies for the German army. For example, the CPN established a sabotage organization called "Military Contact" (Militair Contact), which organized approximately 200 members to set fire to Wehrmacht factories and warehouses, blow up transformer rooms, and destroy military vehicles.
Third, it called for and organized working-class strikes and demonstrations against the Nazi German occupation. For instance, in February 1941, to protest the Nazi persecution of Jews, Amsterdam workers—organized by the CPN—conducted a massive strike. This "February Strike" was the first large-scale public strike against Nazi Germany in Continental Europe. It was a direct response by the CPN to Nazi anti-Semitic policies in the Netherlands and became a landmark event in the Dutch resistance.
Fourth, the CPN played a major role in social mobilization and political education. Through the organization of lectures, seminars, and cultural activities, it deepened the public's understanding of the resistance movement. Additionally, the CPN emphasized the participation and cultivation of youth; by establishing a youth league, it attracted a large number of young people and organized discussions regarding the war situation and socialism. The establishment of the youth league helped spread the spirit of resistance and cultivated a new generation of leaders for post-war social and political change in the Netherlands. Under the leadership of the CPN, the Dutch resistance movement formed a multi-level, cross-class alliance. Although various organizations and individuals differed in ideology and strategy, their common goal allowed them to transcend these divisions and form a powerful force of defiance.
(2) Policy Adjustments and Practical Innovations of the CPN During the War
Faced with Nazi German occupation and brutal suppression, the CPN had to implement policy adjustments and practical innovations involving its organizational structure, policy formulation, and the methods of action for its members. First, it changed its organizational structure. In the face of extreme Nazi oppression, the CPN’s original open and centralized structure was no longer suitable for wartime conditions, prompting a swift transition underground. Second, it formulated a broader policy of unity, calling for Dutch people of all political factions and social strata to unite. The CPN advocated cooperation with other resistance organizations regardless of political or religious background, with the common goal of resisting the Nazi occupation. Third, it adjusted the methods of action for party members. Due to the war, traditional CPN rallies and demonstrations were replaced by secret assemblies. To effectively resist the Nazi intelligence system and prevent the infiltration of internal communication channels, CPN members held clandestine meetings, frequently changed meeting locations, and used code words and secret letters for communication. This mode of operation allowed the CPN to persist in the struggle within an extremely dangerous environment while protecting its members from Nazi persecution.
(3) Rethinking and Adjusting the Pursuit of Socialism
Throughout World War II, the CPN constantly examined and adjusted its pursuit of socialism amidst continuous crisis. At the beginning of the war, the CPN's socialist concepts were primarily based on traditional Marxism, focusing on class struggle and proletarian revolution. However, as the war developed and Nazi atrocities mounted, the CPN began to realize it had to adjust its ideological concepts to adapt to the extreme wartime environment.
First, it expanded and deepened the concept of socialism. Faced with the threat of fascism, the CPN combined its pursuit of socialism with a broader anti-fascist and democratic struggle. This ideological shift reflected the CPN's sense of urgency in resisting Nazi tyranny as well as its steadfast belief in freedom and democracy.
After Nazi Germany occupied the Netherlands in 1940, the Communist Party of the Netherlands (CPN) played a significant role in the underground movement. Second, the CPN focused on combining socialist theory with concrete practice. Faced with the grim reality of the Nazi German occupation, the CPN not only engaged in deep theoretical reflection but also put theory into practice by launching underground activities and mobilizing the populace. The CPN's underground publication, De Waarheid [3], became an important voice against Nazi Germany during the war. By reporting on and exposing the crimes of Nazi Germany and disseminating information about the resistance movement, it stimulated the people's spirit of resistance and deepened the Dutch public’s understanding of socialism. Third, the CPN sought broader cooperation internationally. Before the Second World War, the CPN strictly followed the directives of the Soviet Union and the Comintern; as the war progressed, the CPN began to seek wider international cooperation, particularly with the intelligence agencies of Allied powers such as the United Kingdom to share vital intelligence. This shift reflected the CPN’s profound understanding of the nature of the war and marked a greater emphasis within the international communist movement on making strategic adjustments based on the specific conditions facing the nation.
III. The Transformation and Decline of the CPN during the Cold War Period
The onset of the Cold War heralded an era dominated by opposing superpowers. During this period, the CPN strove to remain loyal to socialist ideals while exploring a path adapted to the new post-war world order. However, with the deepening development of the Cold War and fundamental changes in the international political environment, the CPN gradually realized it was caught in a complex dilemma, eventually having to face the reality of organizational decline and choosing to merge with other left-wing parties.
(1) Challenges and Policy Adjustments of the CPN in the Early Cold War
After the Second World War, the CPN's status and influence in Dutch society underwent significant changes. The active role the CPN played during the resistance against the Nazi German occupation earned it immense political prestige after the war. Following the liberation of the Netherlands, the CPN entered a new stage of development, with its membership increasing to approximately 50,000—nearly five times that of 1939—reaching the peak of its social influence. In the municipal elections of early 1946, the CPN won 16% of the national vote. In the city of Amsterdam, the CPN even became the largest party, with 32% of the vote and 15 seats in the council. In the Dutch general election of the same year, the CPN obtained 10.6% of the vote and 10 seats in parliament (out of a total of 100 seats in the House of Representatives at the time), though this result failed to effectively expand its influence in domestic politics. With the outbreak of the Cold War and the tightening of the international political situation, the CPN's pro-Soviet stance led to its increasing isolation on the domestic political stage.
Faced with fundamental changes in the international political landscape, the CPN quickly adjusted its foreign relations strategy. In 1947, the introduction of the Truman Doctrine and the implementation of the Marshall Plan [4] marked the transition of the United States and the Soviet Union from wartime allies to post-war adversaries. The CPN was forced to re-evaluate the emerging international political environment, recognizing that the root cause of all domestic problems—such as the rising cost of living, unemployment, and social and cultural collapse—was US imperialism. Therefore, it was necessary to conduct an anti-imperialist movement. Particularly during the Berlin Blockade of 1948, the CPN conducted extensive domestic propaganda, criticizing the policies of Western countries and emphasizing the potential threat Western capitalist countries posed to world peace. The CPN further demonstrated its anti-imperialist stance through activities opposing the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). During the Stalin era, the CPN pointed out that defending, protecting, and supporting the Soviet Union was the cause of the Dutch working class and all progressive Dutch people. However, following the death of Stalin and the subsequent political changes in the Soviet Union, the CPN began to seek greater political autonomy; this shift became particularly evident after the 1956 Hungarian Uprising. The Soviet intervention and repressive actions in Hungary sparked widespread international concern and criticism, which also prompted the CPN to reflect deeply on its alliance with the Soviet Union. Within the CPN, some members raised sharp criticisms of the Soviet intervention, signaling that the party was beginning to seek a balance between unconditional support for the Soviet Union and political autonomy. In this process, the CPN expanded its cultural and sporting exchanges with other socialist countries and peoples, actively studied the economic development models of Eastern European countries, and drew on their successful experiences to address domestic economic and social issues in the Netherlands.
To win broader support, the CPN actively adjusted its domestic strategies. First, addressing the domestic political atmosphere, it proposed issues related to social reform and public welfare, such as improving working conditions, raising wage standards, and improving housing conditions, in order to enhance the CPN's appeal and influence among the working class and low-income groups. Furthermore, the CPN actively participated in trade union activities and community organizing to win public support. Second, it sought development opportunities at the local political level, especially in industrialized and labor-intensive regions such as Rotterdam and South Holland province. Third, to respond to the challenges of the external environment and ensure organizational stability, it strengthened Party discipline and ideological education. During this period, the CPN strictly required members to implement Party decisions, uphold Marxism-Leninism, and intensified ideological education for its members. However, while these measures strengthened Party unity in the short term, they also brought some negative effects—specifically, they restricted critical discussion of policies and strategies within the Party, leading to ideological ossification and a lack of capacity to respond flexibly to a rapidly changing political environment.
(2) The Transformation and Ideological Shifts of the CPN in the Mid-to-Late Cold War
In the mid-to-late Cold War, the CPN faced unprecedented challenges and pressures for transformation. From the 1960s to the 1980s, the CPN experienced a series of major ideological and organizational changes. The CPN grew skeptical of the Soviet socialist model and strove to explore a new path combining democratic and socialist principles.
First, it shifted its attitude toward the Soviet Union and began to explore its own path to socialism. Changes in the international political landscape had a profound impact on the CPN's policies. As the Cold War progressed, especially after the Cuban Missile Crisis, the global political situation saw significant changes; the intensification of the confrontation between the US and the USSR split global politics into two opposing camps. The 1968 "Prague Spring" was the decisive event in the CPN's shift in attitude toward the Soviet Union. The Soviet military intervention in Czechoslovakia caused a massive shock within the international communist movement, and communist parties in many countries, including the CPN, publicly condemned the Soviet actions. The CPN argued that the Soviet intervention violated the sovereignty of a socialist state and was in open conflict with communist principles and political goals. This critical stance reflected the CPN's fundamental questioning of the Soviet socialist model, leading it to explore a socialist path more in line with democratic principles and social justice. Regarding domestic policy, the CPN began to emphasize social democratization and the adjustment of economic policies, striving to integrate the basic principles of socialism with the actual social conditions of the Netherlands, aiming to construct a more humane and inclusive socialism. Regarding foreign policy, the CPN exhibited more independence and began criticizing the Soviet Union's behavior in international affairs, particularly its interventions in Eastern Europe. During this period, the CPN's move from initial unconditional support for the Soviet Union to a profound critique of Soviet policy was not only a reaction to changes in the external environment but also a deep reflection on its own policies and concepts.
Second, it conducted a fundamental adjustment of its socialist concepts. During the 1960s and 1970s, the CPN underwent a transformation from Soviet-style socialism to a more democratic and pluralistic socialism. To begin with, in terms of concepts, the CPN began to emphasize democratization and pluralism within socialism, stressing that socialism should not merely be about economic reforms but should also encompass broader social and political participation. This shift in perspective was a critique and a transcendence of the Soviet socialist model. Next, regarding domestic policy, the CPN adjusted its economic and social policy propositions, placing greater emphasis on social welfare and workers' rights. In its election campaigns, the CPN proposed establishing a statutory minimum wage, reducing income tax on wages, having employers and the government bear the full cost of social insurance funds, improving the quality of workers' housing, and increasing pensions. These policy propositions aimed to improve people's living conditions, emphasizing that socialism focuses not only on economic growth but also on social justice and equality. Furthermore, the CPN proposed several measures to promote cultural diversity and educational equity, such as ensuring that artists enjoy certain social benefits and that everyone has the right to education. Finally, regarding international exchanges, in 1960, at the Meeting of 81 Communist and Workers' Parties held in Moscow [5], the CPN shared its new understanding of socialism, learned from other countries' experiences in socialist practice, and strengthened its ties with socialist and communist organizations in other countries, particularly in Western and Northern Europe. At the same time, these international exchanges deepened the CPN's awareness of the diversity of socialism.
Third, it strengthened its links with trade unions, student organizations, and the feminist movement to broaden its original social base. To start with, it adjusted its relationship with trade unions. During this period, the CPN focused more on cooperation with unions, especially in defending workers' rights and improving labor conditions; it not only supported union strikes and protests but also raised issues such as wage increases, improving the work environment, and ensuring job safety. Then, it strengthened its links with student organizations. In the 1960s and 1970s, student movements emerged in many countries, becoming an important force for social change. The CPN established ties with the younger generation by supporting youth and student movements, opposing unemployment, opposing cuts to student grants, and advocating for more democracy, freedom, and housing rights. Finally, it participated in the feminist movement and supported gender equality. The CPN recognized that gender issues were an indispensable part of the socialist movement and began to promote gender equality issues, actively fighting for equal pay for equal work, the freedom of abortion, and full employment for women.
Fourth, it began to emphasize cooperation with other international left-wing parties and organizations, actively organizing and participating in various types of left-wing social movements. During the mid-to-late Cold War, several major social and political movements broke out globally, such as the anti-Vietnam War movement, the civil rights movement, the environmental movement, and the anti-nuclear movement; these had a significant impact on the CPN's strategy and policies. The CPN began to realize that to expand its influence and appeal, it had to transcend traditional partisan boundaries and establish close ties with these movements. On one hand, it gave full support to the peace movement. As the Vietnam War and other regional conflicts escalated, anti-war sentiment surged worldwide. From 1977 to 1978, the CPN organized the "Ban the Neutron Bomb" movement, exposing and condemning the US development of the neutron bomb and strongly demanding that the US and the USSR end the arms race. On the other hand, it paid attention to the environmental and anti-nuclear movements. As environmental problems became increasingly serious, the CPN began cooperating with other organizations to launch a national struggle against the use of nuclear energy, promoting the link between environmental pollution and the capitalist mode of production during various struggles. Through these activities, the CPN not only expanded its social base but also won the support of a large number of highly educated students, teachers, and social workers.
(3) The Decline of the CPN at the End of the Cold War and its Merger with Other Left-wing Parties
At the end of the Cold War, faced with the overall decline of the international communist movement and changes in the domestic political landscape, the CPN was forced to undergo profound self-reflection and strategic adjustment. The decline of the CPN and its merger with other left-wing parties during this period was the CPN's response to the changes of the era and heralded the beginning of the reorganization of the Dutch left.
The decline of the CPN at the end of the Cold War was a complex process involving international politics, domestic social change, and intra-Party issues. First, changes in the international political situation had an important impact on the decline of the CPN.
During the 1980s and 1990s, with the disintegration of the socialist systems in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, the international communist movement began to fall into a low ebb. Under the leadership of Gorbachev, the Soviet Union implemented political and economic reforms that ultimately dragged the country down. Furthermore, the political upheavals in Eastern European countries—particularly the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the subsequent collapse of Eastern European communist regimes—marked the end of the Soviet model. These events profoundly affected the beliefs and positions of the CPN (Communist Party of the Netherlands) and its followers.
Second, a series of challenges faced by the CPN served as the primary drivers of its decline. Beginning in the late 1970s, Dutch society underwent a series of transitions, including adjustments to the economic structure, shifts in social values, and a transformation of the political landscape. With the rise of the domestic middle class and the emergence of new social movements, the CPN's traditional political issues and methods of propaganda gradually lost their appeal. The CPN faced severe challenges in attracting the younger generation and adapting to new social demands, while the party's traditional base—the working class—began to shrink significantly in size.
Third, internal divisions within the CPN were a critical factor leading to its decline. There were persistent disagreements and debates within the party regarding its political line and strategy. Some members and leaders advocated for reform and modernization to adapt to the changing political environment, while others insisted on traditional principles and tactics. This internal discord led to hesitance in policy-making and strategic transitions, seriously weakening the party's internal cohesion. Under the combined effect of these internal and external factors, the CPN experienced a loss of supporters and a decline in political influence during the 1980s. The number of party members dropped from 150,000 in the early 1980s to 6,000 by 1986. In the 1981 general election, it received only 2.1% of the vote; in 1982, only 1.8%; and in the 1986 election, it received a mere 0.6%, being squeezed out of parliament entirely. It was [replaced by] a political alliance representing the interests and aspirations of different groups within Dutch society.
The decline of the CPN and its merger with other domestic left-wing parties had multifaceted impacts on the Dutch political landscape. First, it marked the end of the traditional communist movement in Dutch politics. Since the end of the Second World War, the CPN had been an important player on the Dutch political stage, playing a significant role particularly in promoting social reform and safeguarding the rights and interests of the working class. However, with the decline and gradual waning of its influence, the traditional communist movement disappeared as a major political phenomenon in the Netherlands. This change not only had a profound effect on the CPN itself but also caused a major shift in the Dutch political landscape.
Second, it promoted cooperation among Dutch left-wing parties. During the merger process, the CPN and other left-wing parties jointly explored how to more effectively respond to social changes and emerging issues, such as environmental protection, gender equality, and the challenges of globalization. Although the new party formed after the merger differed from the CPN in some political concepts and goals, it reflected a focus on broader social issues and an adaptation to new social realities.
Third, it reflected the trend toward diversification in Dutch society and politics. With the rise of new social movements such as gender equality, environmental protection, and consumer rights, traditional forces in Dutch politics faced major challenges, prompting them to begin repositioning themselves. The experience and transformation of the CPN provided a broader and more inclusive perspective for Dutch politics, especially regarding how to adapt to and integrate emerging social movements and political issues. This process changed the landscape of Dutch political parties and reflected the impact of broader social transformations on the composition of political forces.
IV. The Final Chapter and Political Legacy of the CPN
Although the CPN has vanished as an independent political entity, its ideas and legacy continue to play an important role under new circumstances. Following the establishment of the GroenLinks (GreenLeft party), the CPN's legacy has been sustained and developed within this new political force. Simultaneously, the CPN's socialist thought continues to play an active role in the political and social spheres of the modern Netherlands.
(1) GroenLinks' inheritance of the CPN's political legacy
As a diverse and significantly influential political faction, GroenLinks represents the Dutch path toward a more equitable, sustainable, and inclusive future. The establishment of GroenLinks did not mean the complete extinction of the CPN; rather, the core concepts of the CPN have been continued and developed under the new situation.
First, the core concepts long upheld by the CPN—such as social justice, economic equality, and the protection of working-class interests—have been reaffirmed and updated in the GroenLinks platform. GroenLinks combines these traditional values with the new challenges of modern society, emphasizing that everyone is equal. At the same time, it has introduced modern social issues such as multiculturalism and inclusivity—issues that were not fully explored within the CPN's traditional political framework but have become essential components of the GroenLinks program.
Second, the CPN's traditional socialist concepts, such as environmental protection and sustainable development, were inherited by GroenLinks. In the policy agenda of GroenLinks, environmental protection is no longer an isolated issue but is closely linked with social equity and economic development, reflecting a holistic policy perspective. By incorporating core policies such as protecting the planet and ecosystems, and utilizing taxes and emissions trading to address environmental problems like climate change, GroenLinks successfully attracted a new constituency of voters concerned with the environment and sustainability, while also gaining support from traditional left-wing voters.
Third, the intra-party democracy and broad member participation consistently emphasized by the CPN have been continued and developed within the organizational structure of GroenLinks. The highest authority of GroenLinks is the Party Congress, which is open to all members. When the Congress is not in session, the Party Committee exercises its duties on its behalf. This practice not only improves the quality of intra-party democracy but also enhances members' identification with party policies. The membership of GroenLinks has grown steadily over the past decade, reaching 40,621 members as of January 2024. In terms of operation, GroenLinks actively employs new technologies and social media tools such as "GroenLinks Plek" to expand its influence and attract a broader range of supporters. These modernized operational methods bring GroenLinks closer to society, allowing it to maintain competitiveness in a highly competitive political environment. Furthermore, compared to the CPN, GroenLinks places greater emphasis on social movements and cooperation with civil society organizations. Consequently, by joining platforms such as the "Gospel and Politics Platform" and "Pink Left" (an organization for Gays and Lesbians), and participating in the activities of feminist and youth organizations, GroenLinks has strengthened its ties with grassroots society. This has also enabled GroenLinks to respond more directly to social needs and concerns, thereby becoming a progressive faction with significant influence.
(2) The influence of the CPN's legacy of socialist thought on modern Dutch politics
Although the CPN dissolved in 1991, its socialist thought continues to play an important role in modern Dutch politics. It not only influences the setting of the Dutch political agenda and the formulation of social policies but also profoundly affects the democratic practice and political participation of the Dutch people.
First, regarding political agenda-setting, the socialist thought left by the CPN has greatly influenced Dutch social welfare policies and economic distribution systems. The CPN's long-standing advocacy for public welfare laid the foundation for the formulation and implementation of many policies in the Dutch political agenda. For instance, the CPN always emphasized the establishment of a comprehensive social security network to alleviate the living pressures on the working class and low-income groups. Under the CPN's influence, the Netherlands established a universal social insurance system, including pensions, unemployment benefits, and sickness allowances, which has greatly improved the quality of life for the populace. Additionally, the CPN advocated for reforming the tax system to address income inequality caused by concentrated capital and privileged status—concepts that were reflected in the policies of subsequent governments, particularly in taxation and social welfare.
Second, in the formulation of social policy, the influence of the CPN is reflected in the continuous pursuit of social justice and equality. The CPN's long-term defense of working-class rights and its critique of social inequality provided an important value-basis for the formulation of Dutch social policy. These concepts and principles are clearly reflected in Dutch social policies, particularly in the fields of education, housing, and employment. In education, the CPN consistently advocated that all citizens, regardless of class, religion, race, or color, possess the right to education, which had a positive impact on the development of the Dutch education system. The Dutch government mandates that all children aged 5 to 16 living in the Netherlands must attend school. Regarding housing policy, the CPN advocated for state-funded housing construction, improving housing quality, and opposing rent increases. This thinking prompted the Dutch government to place greater emphasis on social equity in housing policy. To this end, the Dutch government formulated the "National Housing and Construction Agenda," planning to build 900,000 homes by 2030, two-thirds of which are to be affordable housing, ensuring everyone has access to sustainable housing. In employment policy, the CPN emphasized the socialist concept that everyone is entitled to remunerated labor. These principles influenced the formulation of Dutch employment policies; for example, the Netherlands passed a new law called the "Equal Opportunities in Recruitment and Selection Regulation Act," requiring all individuals or institutions conducting recruitment and selection in the labor market to ensure equality and fairness.
Third, it profoundly affects the democratic practice and political participation of the Dutch populace. For example, in democratic practice, the CPN always adhered to democratic principles, making decisions through democratic voting and broad member participation to ensure that the party's guidelines and policies truly reflected the will and needs of its members. This practice not only promoted intra-party democracy but also enhanced the party's internal unity and cohesion. Under the CPN's influence, Dutch society began to place more emphasis on public participation in the political decision-making process, especially when formulating major socio-economic policies. This emphasis on public participation improved the openness and transparency of the political process, allowing policy-making to better reflect the will and needs of the people. Furthermore, in terms of political participation, the CPN stimulated the enthusiasm of the masses to actively participate in political life by organizing and participating in various political and social movements. The protest activities, public discussions, and political education projects organized by the CPN made the public realize their important role in promoting social change and defending their own rights and interests. This awareness stimulated public enthusiasm for participating in political and social transformation. Through this broad political participation, the political culture of Dutch society has become more active and diverse, and public participation has become an essential component of the decision-making process. Although the CPN eventually dissolved, this emphasis on public political participation brought an open and inclusive character to Dutch political culture, enhancing the role and influence of the people in political life.
V. Conclusion
The primary transitions and developments in the CPN’s pursuit of socialism mirror the complex socio-political upheavals of the 20th century, revealing the process of how a political organization seeks its own positioning and maintains development within a constantly changing international and domestic environment. From the rise of the CPN and its resistance during the Second World War to its policy adjustments during the Cold War and its eventual decline and merger with other left-wing parties, the history of the CPN has become an important chapter in Dutch political development.
The history of the CPN demonstrates that political parties need not only to respond to changes in the external environment but also to engage in continuous internal self-renewal and adjustment. Such renewal and adjustment are reflected not only in the formulation of policies and strategies but even more so in the perfection of the party's organizational structure and the innovation of its ideological concepts. The CPN's adherence to socialist ideals and its efforts to promote social equity and justice have profoundly influenced the developmental direction and values of Dutch society. Even after the party's form and organizational structure changed, these core concepts still inspire a new generation of social activists and political leaders, driving them to actively seek new ways to solve contemporary social problems. Although the CPN no longer exists as an independent political entity, the ideas and values it left behind continue to exert a certain influence in the Netherlands.
(Author's Unit: Faculty of Marxism, Northeast Normal University) Online Editor: Jin Qiu Source: Contemporary World and Socialism, Issue 4, 2024.