Lin Jianhua: Three Major Issues in the Construction of Marxist Political Parties from the Perspective of the Historical Process of the International Communist Movement
The birth of the Communist League in 1847 and the publication of the Manifesto of the Communist Party in 1848 marked the rise of the international communist movement and the founding of Marxism. On October 29, 1884, in a letter to August Bebel, Engels referred to the revolution of the Paris Commune, which erupted during the period of the First International (the International Workingmen's Association), as the "cradle of international communism." In 1920, at the Second Congress of the Third International (the Communist International), Lenin used the term "international communist movement" explicitly for the first time. In 2018, in his speech at the conference marking the 200th anniversary of the birth of Karl Marx, Xi Jinping hailed Marx as "the revolutionary teacher of the proletariat and the working people throughout the world, the primary founder of Marxism, the creator of Marxist parties and the pioneer of international communism, and the greatest thinker of modern times." Under the guidance of Marxism and the leadership of Marxist parties (or Communist parties), the international communist movement is the great practice of the global proletariat and the broad masses of working people in opposing and overthrowing capitalism and all systems of exploitation. It encompasses the proletarian revolution, national-democratic revolution, socialist revolution, socialist construction, and socialist reform, striving for the liberation of the proletariat and all humanity to realize communism. In terms of its primary content, the establishment of political parties, the seizure of state power, and the construction of socialism constitute the masterfully performed "trilogy" of the international communist movement. The classical Marxist authors believed that "in the various stages of development which the struggle of the working class against the bourgeoisie has to pass through, [the Communists] always and everywhere represent the interests of the movement as a whole," and struggle for the construction of a communist society. Within the great practice of the international communist movement, "revolution" is one of its fundamental concepts and core components. The theme of revolution is to resolve the contradiction between capital and wage labor; the subject of revolution is the proletariat and the broad working people; the function of revolution is to serve as the locomotive pulling history forward; the purpose of revolution is the liberation of the proletariat and all humanity; and the primary issue and goal of revolution is the question of state power. Regarding state power, Lenin pointed out: "The passing of state power from one class to another is the first, the principal, the basic sign of a revolution, both in the strictly scientific and in the practical political meaning of that term." He further noted, "the question of power cannot be evaded or brushed aside, because it is the key question determining everything in a revolution's development, and in its foreign and domestic policies," and that "the question of which class holds power decides everything." After the proletariat seizes power, its fundamental task is to carry out socialist construction, especially to "increase the total of productive forces as rapidly as possible." The international communist movement has achieved brilliant successes, experiencing triumphant advances where "twenty years are concentrated in a single day" [1], yet it has also suffered severe setbacks, enduring periods of wandering and circuitous detours where "single days are like twenty years." Examining the causes, the key lies with the Party. What kind of party to build and how to build it—specifically, what kind of long-term governing Marxist party to build and how to build it—remain major questions of the times and strategic imperatives. The history of the international communist movement has shown repeatedly that the ultimate measure of the quality and level of Party building lies in whether it possesses scientific theory, outstanding leaders, and iron discipline.
I. Scientific Theory is the Party’s Ideological Weapon and Guide to Action
Lenin pointed out: "Without revolutionary theory there can be no revolutionary movement," and "Only the theory of revolutionary Marxism can be the banner of the working-class movement." Thought is the precursor to action; theory is the guide to practice. Without Marxist theory, there would be no international communist movement. For a Marxist party, scientific theory is its ideological weapon and guide to action. Lenin noted: "We take our stand entirely on the sole basis of the theory of Marx," and "the role of vanguard fighter can be fulfilled only by a party that is guided by the most advanced theory." Before the founding of the Communist Party of China, Mao Zedong pointed out: "We must not simply create a gathering of people or a union of sentiments; it must be a union based on an 'ism' [ideology]. An 'ism' is like a flag; once the flag is hoisted, the people have something to hope for and know which direction to pursue." In the early days of the founding of the People's Republic of China, Mao Zedong clearly stated: "The force at the core leading our cause forward is the Communist Party of China. The theoretical basis guiding our thinking is Marxism-Leninism." This was Mao Zedong's consistent recognition of the important role and significance of Marxism and the relationship between Marxism and the Communist Party of China.
Political firmness stems from theoretical clarity. Engels pointed out: "A nation that wants to climb to the pinnacle of science cannot manage for a single moment without theoretical thought." The same applies to a political party, and even more so to a Marxist or Communist party. Engels also noted: "The great advantage of our party is that it has a new, scientific world outlook as its theoretical foundation." Xi Jinping has also emphasized: "The advancement of a Marxist party is manifested, first and foremost, in its ideological and theoretical advancement." Guiding ideology is the spiritual banner of a political party. The Communist League was the world's first Communist party; the Manifesto of the Communist Party was the "complete theoretical and practical party program" written by Marx and Engels for this party. It was the first programmatic document for Marxist party building, clarifying to the whole world for the first time the views, aims, and intentions of the Communists; it embodied the essence of Marxist party building thought and "set up a landmark before the whole world by which people could measure the level of the party movement." The Manifesto of the Communist Party also marked the birth of Marxism.
Every era has its own theme, and every generation has its own mission. Marx pointed out: "Every principle has its own century in which it appeared." Any true scientific theory is a product of its time and is intended to resolve the questions of the era. Marx and Engels noted that our theory "is a historical product, which at different times assumes very different forms and, therewith, very different contents." The scientific theory of any era "is by no means based on ideas or principles that have been invented, or discovered, by this or that would-be universal reformer," but rather "these principles merely express, in general terms, actual relations springing from an existing class struggle, from a historical movement going on under our very eyes." Lenin pointed out: "The whole genius of Marx consists precisely in his having furnished answers to questions already raised by the foremost minds of mankind. His doctrine emerged as the direct and immediate continuation of the teachings of the greatest representatives of philosophy, political economy and socialism." He added, "Communism is not a doctrine but a movement. It proceeds not from principles but from facts," and it must proceed from "the most stubborn facts." Marx and Engels lived in 19th-century Europe; the questions of the era they pondered and answered were where capitalism was headed and where human society was headed. Lenin lived in Russia at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries; the questions of the era he pondered and answered were where imperialism was headed and where human society was headed. The Communist Party of China exists in 20th and 21st-century China; the questions of the era it ponders and answers include where China is headed; what is socialism and how to build it; what kind of party to build and how to build it; what kind of development to achieve under new circumstances and how to achieve it; what kind of socialism with Chinese characteristics to uphold and develop in the New Era and how to uphold and develop it; what kind of great modern socialist country to build and how to build it; and what kind of long-term governing Marxist party to build and how to build it. The source of theory can only be rich and vivid real life, and its driving force can only be the practical demand to resolve social contradictions and problems. It is precisely in the exploration and solution of these social contradictions and questions of the era that the international communist movement gradually expanded from a movement in a corner of Western Europe to a global movement. Communist parties grew from nothing to something, and from one to many. Marxism transitioned from being just one of several theoretical doctrines with some influence on the world labor movement to becoming the dominant guiding ideology of that movement.
The international communist movement is primarily a struggle against the bourgeoisie and a revolutionary movement to overthrow the capitalist system, but it is simultaneously a theoretical struggle against non-Marxist and anti-Marxist ideas. In the process of revolutionary movements and theoretical struggles, whenever the guiding role of Marxism is valued and upheld, the Communist party develops; whenever the guiding role of Marxism is neglected or abandoned, the Communist party suffers setbacks or even dissolves. Marx pointed out: "The weapon of criticism cannot, of course, replace criticism by weapons, material force must be overthrown by material force; but theory also becomes a material force as soon as it has gripped the masses." The guiding role of Marxism is specifically manifested as follows: first, raising the consciousness of the proletariat and the broad working people; second, guiding the Communist party in formulating correct programs, lines, strategies, and tactics, while guiding the leaders of the world labor movement and especially the international communist movement to correctly understand and lead the movement; third, calibrating the direction of the world labor movement and especially the international communist movement, and refuting erroneous ideological trends and tendencies; and so forth. Whether the guiding role of Marxism is upheld or abandoned is illustrated by the sharp contrast between the development of the Communist Party of China and the dissolution of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union—the experience is invaluable, and the lessons are profound.
In the historical course of the international communist movement, Communist parties have developed continuously. The Communist League had about 400 members, mainly Germans, but also included members from seven other countries: Britain, France, Belgium, the Netherlands, Sweden, Switzerland, and the United States. It established local organizations in eight countries across Europe and the Americas. Although the Communist League was small, it was the true source of Communist parties. "The aim of the League is: the overthrow of the bourgeoisie, the rule of the proletariat, the abolition of the old bourgeois society based on class antagonisms, and the establishment of a new society without classes and without private property." Lenin pointed out that the League was "a small but a truly proletarian party." The First International, established in September 1864, "laid the foundation of an international organization of the workers for the preparation of their revolutionary onslaught on capital," and "laid the foundation of the proletarian, international struggle for socialism." Therefore, "the First International will never be forgotten; it is eternal in the history of the workers’ struggle for their emancipation." The Social Democratic Workers' Party of Germany, established in 1869, was the first proletarian party established within the scope of a nation-state. Thereafter, a host of proletarian or socialist parties spread across many countries like bamboo shoots after a spring rain, mostly taking names such as Social Democratic Party, Socialist Party, or Labour Party. They organized their international body, the Second International, in 1889. The various types of non-scientific socialism that existed before the birth of Marxism were all but extinct by the time of the Paris Commune. The establishment of the Second International restored the international links between the working classes that had been broken for a long time after the defeat of the Paris Commune. Marxism gradually assumed a guiding position in the labor movement, and the cause of the First International was continued and developed. However, due to diverging understandings of the new changes and characteristics of the transition from capitalism to imperialism, as well as the new strategies and tactics of working-class struggle, the unified international labor movement gradually split into three tendencies—Left, Center, and Right—following the death of Engels in 1895. The Left of the social democratic parties renamed themselves Communist parties, and a series of Communist parties were established in various countries. In 1919, they formed the Communist International—a global organization of Communist parties of which the national parties were branches. The Center and Right eventually merged, continuing to use the name "Social Democratic Party." Thus, the international labor movement proceeded in two directions: first, the international communist movement (or scientific socialist movement) of the Communists; and second, the international socialist movement (or social-democratic, democratic-socialist movement) of the social democrats. The Communist International was dissolved in 1943, but the Communist parties of various countries did not dissolve. Today, although there are no exact statistics on the number of Communist organizations and members, Communist parties remain an important force in the social and political life of many countries. By the end of 2022, the total number of members of the Communist Party of China was 98.041 million, a net increase of 1.329 million over the previous year.
...ten thousand members; there are 5.065 million primary-level Party organizations, a net increase of 129,000 over the previous year. Having endured over a century of trials and undergone more than a decade of revolutionary tempering in the New Era, the Communist Party of China has become stronger, more powerful, and more full of vitality. The Party's organizational system has become increasingly rigorous, the foundations of the Party's governance have been continuously consolidated, and it has become a mainstay [main pillar] of the international communist movement.
In the historical progression of the international communist movement, the understanding of the future socialist and communist societies has continuously evolved.
"To determine one's position, one must be upright." [2] Engels pointed out: "The main mode of economic production and exchange in every historical epoch, and the social structure necessarily resulting from it, forms the foundation upon which is built the political and intellectual history of that epoch, and from which alone that history can be explained." Based on a scientific analysis of the inherent defects and various contradictions of capitalist society, Marx and Engels proposed the thesis that "the fall of the bourgeoisie and the victory of the proletariat are equally inevitable." At the same time, in the Preface to a Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy, Marx pointed out: "No social order ever perishes before all the productive forces for which there is room in it have developed; and new, higher relations of production never appear before the material conditions of their existence have matured in the womb of the old society itself." Viewed historically, the "Two Inevitabilities" [3] refer to the fundamental trend of human social development, while the "Two Nevers" [4] refer to the actual conditions of human social development. In the Communist Manifesto, Marx and Engels explicitly stated: "In place of the old bourgeois society, with its classes and class antagonisms, we shall have an association, in which the free development of each is the condition for the free development of all."
Furthermore, based on the different levels of maturity in the economic development of future society, Marx, in Critique of the Gotha Programme, divided communist society for the first time into a "first phase" and a "higher phase." He noted that in the "first phase of communist society, as it is when it has just emerged after prolonged birth pangs from capitalist society," certain defects "are inevitable." However, "in a higher phase of communist society, after the enslaving subordination of the individual to the division of labor, and therewith also the antithesis between mental and physical labor, has vanished; after labor has become not only a means of life but life's prime want; after the productive forces have also increased with the all-around development of the individual, and all the springs of co-operative wealth flow more abundantly—only then can the narrow horizon of bourgeois right be crossed in its entirety and society inscribe on its banners: From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs!" These are, in fact, the conditions Marx identified for the transition from the first phase of communist society to the higher phase.
Engels also pointed out: "Our object is to establish a socialist system which will provide healthy and useful work for all, provide ample material subsistence and leisure time for all, and provide real and full liberty for all." The "socialism" discussed here by Engels carries a different connotation from the "socialism" later discussed by Lenin. On the eve of the October Revolution, Lenin pointed out in The State and Revolution: "Marx calls the 'first', or lower, phase of communist society... that phase of communist society which has just emerged into the light of day out of the womb of capitalism and which is in every respect economically, morally, and intellectually, still stamped with the birthmarks of the old society." This first phase "is usually called socialism." He noted that "in the first phase of communism... it is impossible as yet to ensure justice and equality; differences, and unjust differences, in wealth will still persist, but the exploitation of man by man will have become impossible." The primary task of Communists is to "regularize" the first phase of communist society and create the "basic conditions necessary for it to function normally." Through various efforts, once these conditions are met, "the door will be wide open for the transition from the first phase of communist society to its higher phase, and with it to the complete withering away of the state." Lenin pointed out: "Magical prophecy is a fairy tale. Scientific prophecy is a fact." Communists profoundly understand that the development of human society follows objective laws; the progression through primitive society, slave society, feudal society, capitalist society, socialist society, and communist society constitutes the general law of human social development.
On November 14, 2022, during his meeting with U.S. President Joe Biden in Bali, Indonesia, Xi Jinping pointed out: "The United States follows capitalism, while China follows socialism. The two sides follow different paths. This difference is not new today, nor will it cease to exist in the future." This fully demonstrates the clarity and firmness of Chinese Communists in upholding their socialist convictions. Engels noted: "A party which knows its aim and also knows how to reach it, a party which truly wants to reach this aim and possesses the necessary tenacity to do so—such a party will be invincible." The Communist Party is precisely such a party.
In the historical progression of the international communist movement, Marxism has continuously developed. Marxism is a product of its time, yet it transcends its time. Marxism is like a magnificent sunrise, illuminating the path for humanity to explore the laws of history and seek its own liberation. To this day, this theory still shines with the dazzling radiance of truth. Marxism possesses extremely rich content and distinct characteristics; it is a scientific theory, a theory of the people, a theory of practice, and a continuously developing, open theory. When evaluating the contributions of Marx and Engels to the founding of Marxism, Lenin pointed out: "The theory of socialism, however, grew out of the philosophic, historical, and economic theories elaborated by educated representatives of the propertied classes, by intellectuals. By their social status, the founders of modern scientific socialism, Marx and Engels, themselves belonged to the bourgeois intelligentsia." Marx and Engels achieved the transition from idealism to materialism and from revolutionary democratism to communism, becoming the founders of Marxism. Following Marxism, Lenin founded Leninism, forming Marxism-Leninism. With the "salvoes of the October Revolution," Marxism-Leninism was brought to China.
Just as Marxism faced an issue of adapting to Russian soil—that is, "Russian-ization"—when it arrived in Russia, Marxism-Leninism faced a similar issue of adapting to Chinese soil—that is, Sinicization—when it arrived in China. Advancing the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism is a process of pursuing, revealing, and practicing truth; it is a process of continuously generating theoretical achievements of Marxism adapted to the Chinese context and the needs of the times. During this process, Mao Zedong Thought was founded, the system of theories of socialism with Chinese characteristics was formed, and Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era was established. Xi Jinping pointed out: "For a nation to stand at the forefront of the times, it cannot for a moment be without theoretical thinking, nor for a moment without ideological guidance." This is true for any political party, and even more so for the Communist Party of China. Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era is contemporary Chinese Marxism and 21st-century Marxism; it is a powerful ideological weapon and a scientific guide for action for comprehensively building a modern socialist country and comprehensively advancing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.
II. Eminent Leaders are the Party’s Core Strength and Stabilizing Pillar
A Marxist party "has no interests separate and apart from those of the proletariat as a whole." It is a party "seeking interests for the vast majority," held together closely by scientific theory and strict discipline, rather than being a "random gathering of individuals." The classical Marxist writers placed particular emphasis on correctly handling the relationship between the masses and the Party leadership. They emphasized the need to give full play to the subjective role of the masses as the creators of history, while also giving full play to the leading role of Party leaders over the masses and their historical activities. They stressed the importance of maintaining the core status of the Party leader and the guiding position of the leader's thought, regarding this as the "lifeline" [5] vital to the survival of a Marxist party.
How one scientifically recognizes and understands "man" [humanity] directly relates to how one scientifically understands, upholds, and develops Marxism. This is because "Marxism is broad and profound, but in the final analysis, it can be summarized in one sentence: seeking liberation for humanity." In the Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844, Marx’s discourse on the fourfold characteristics of man—namely, that man is a natural being, a species-being, an objective being, and a social being—fully highlights the comprehensiveness, richness, and depth of human existence. It reflects Marx's philosophical self-awareness and initiative in solving the "riddle of man."
In essence, Marxism is the science of real individuals and their historical development. Since people are individuals within a real society, their role in the process of social and historical development must be examined and analyzed comprehensively, specifically, and historically. Lenin pointed out: "People make their own history, but what determines the motives of people, of the mass of people; what gives rise to the clash of conflicting ideas and strivings; what is the sum total of all these clashes in the whole mass of human societies... what are the laws of development of these conditions—to all these Marx drew attention and indicated the way to a scientific study of history as a single process which, with all its immense variety and contradictoriness, is governed by definite laws." However, the classical Marxist writers did not stop there; they correctly introduced and extensively utilized the concept of "the people."
Historical materialism holds that the primary force determining social and historical development is the masses of the people. The social practical activities of the masses embody the necessity of historical development and represent its direction. "The people, and the people alone, are the motive force in the making of world history." "The people are both the creators and the witnesses of history; they are both the 'actors' on the stage and the 'playwrights' of the historical drama." Historical materialism looks through the surface of history to reach its essence. In the Marxist perspective, "the people" is both a political and a historical category; it possesses both qualitative and quantitative definitions. First, "the people" reflects the political relations of a given society. In a class society, it includes all classes, strata, and social groups that promote historical progress, while the main body of "the people" remains the broad laboring masses engaged in the production of material goods. Second, "the people" do not only transform the objective world as creators of material wealth; they also transform the subjective world as creators of spiritual wealth. Third, "the people" is a collective concept, an ensemble composed of many individuals. Historical activity is the cause of the masses; as historical activity deepens, the ranks of the masses will expand further, and their capabilities will further increase.
Historical materialism provides the philosophical foundation for correctly understanding the relationship between eminent leaders and the masses, and for deeply comprehending the major principle of Marxist parties regarding the maintenance of a leader's authority. Lenin, in “Left-Wing” Communism: An Infantile Disorder...
In "Left-Wing" Communism: An Infantile Disorder, Lenin pointed out: "Everyone knows that the masses are divided into classes; that the masses can be contrasted with classes only by contrasting the great majority in general, sum total, who are not subdivided according to their position in the social system of production, with categories occupying a special position in the social system of production; that as a rule and in most cases—at least in modern civilized countries—classes are led by political parties; that political parties, as a general rule, are run by more or less stable groups composed of the most authoritative, influential and experienced members, who are elected to the most responsible positions, and are called leaders." A leader is a member of the masses, always a participant and a pioneer in the revolutionary cause, upheld by the masses and selected by history at critical junctures of the cause's development. Marx once quoted Claude Helvétius, saying: "Every social epoch needs its great men, and when it does not find them, it invents them." In the historical process of the people driving social development, leaders play an irreplaceable and key role through their extraordinary historical insight, ideological leadership, and political organizational power.
In the historical process of the International Communist Movement, the historical status and mission of the proletariat determine that the leaders of the proletariat and its party often stand higher, look further, and think deeper than ordinary people. Their desire to undertake historical tasks is stronger, more proactive, and more resolute. They can point out the direction of revolution, construction, and reform for the proletariat and the broad masses of working people, serve as the leadership core, and greatly accelerate the process of historical development. This also determines that the leaders of the proletariat and its party are often both practitioners and theorists, both leaders of the people and servants of the people, possessing both exceptional personal talent and the ability to concentrate the wisdom of the masses. The fundamental reason for these requirements for the quality of Marxist party leaders is that the cause of socialist revolution and construction led by Marxist parties is a magnificent undertaking unprecedented in human history. It is also the cause with the weakest developmental conditions, the most arduous growth, and the most complex problems in human history; it must be led by the strongest and most outstanding Marxist party leaders to achieve victory. Generally speaking, "successful leaders have a clear direction, and they follow this direction to achieve their goals." As Engels evaluated Marx: "Marx stood higher, saw further, and took a wider and quicker view than all the rest of us." "None of us had that broad vision that Marx had. At the moment when it was necessary to act quickly, he always made the correct decision and immediately hit the mark." "Marx had won for himself such a position through his theoretical and practical achievements that the best people in the workers' movement of various countries have full confidence in him. At critical moments they turn to him for advice, and usually find that his counsel is the best." "For what we are today, we owe it to him; for all the current achievements of the modern movement, we owe it to his theoretical and practical activities; without him, we would still be wandering in the dark."
As Lenin evaluated Marx and Engels: "The service rendered by Marx and Engels to the working class may be expressed in a few words thus: they taught the working class to know itself and be conscious of itself, and they substituted science for dreams." "The great service of world-historical significance performed by Marx and Engels lies in the fact that they proved by scientific analysis the inevitability of the collapse of capitalism and its transition to communism, which will have no more exploitation of man by man." As Stalin evaluated Lenin: "Lenin was born for the revolution." "To remain the leader of the proletarian revolution and the proletarian party, one must combine theoretical power with the practical organizational experience of the proletarian movement." "There is no doubt that Lenin fully maintained this original quality... and only Lenin is the leader of the most powerful and most disciplined proletarian party in the world today." "Lenin’s greatness lies precisely in the fact that he did not become a captive of the letter of Marxism, but was able to grasp the essence of Marxism, and proceeding from this essence, developed the teachings of Marx and Engels." As Deng Xiaoping evaluated Mao Zedong: "He saved the Party and the state from crises many times. Without Chairman Mao, at the very least we Chinese people would have had to grope in the dark for a much longer time." As Xi Jinping evaluated Deng Xiaoping: "If Comrade Deng Xiaoping had not guided our Party in making the historic decision to implement reform and opening up, it would be unimaginable for our country to have achieved the developmental successes it has today." All these evaluations are conclusions of practice and public consensus of history. Marx once noted: "We have now learned what role stupidity plays in revolutions and how scoundrels are adept at exploiting it." It is in this sense that maintaining the authority of the Party leader is established upon the foundation of historical materialism; it is a necessity for practical development and a revelation of objective laws.
Maintaining the authority of the Marxist party and the authority of its leaders is an inherent requirement of a Marxist party and is of vital importance. For a Marxist party, without authority, there can be no unified action. After the failure of the Paris Commune, Marx and Engels concluded: "The Paris Commune perished because it lacked centralization and authority." Marx also said: "A solo fiddler commands himself, but an orchestra needs a conductor." Lenin, in summarizing the experience of the Russian October Revolution, pointed out: "To educate a group of experienced and highly authoritative Party leaders is a long and difficult task. But without this, the dictatorship of the proletariat and the 'unity of will' of the proletariat will remain mere empty words." "No class in history has ever achieved power without first selecting its own political leaders and vanguard representatives capable of organizing and leading the movement." Mao Zedong noted: "A leadership core must be established; oppose 'one country with three lords' [6]." Deng Xiaoping also pointed out: "Any leadership collective must have a core; leadership without a core is unreliable." Whether looking at the 170-plus years of development of the International Communist Movement or the 100-plus years of the Communist Party of China's struggle, it tells us: possessing a leader recognized by the whole Party is an important sign of a Marxist party's maturity. Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Mao Zedong were all outstanding leaders who emerged in the history of the International Communist Movement.
Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, socialism with Chinese characteristics has entered a New Era; the cause of the Party and the country has achieved historical successes and undergone historical transformations. "The continuous success of the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism has presented Marxism to the world with a brand-new image, causing a major shift in the historical evolution and competition between the two ideologies and two social systems of socialism and capitalism worldwide in favor of socialism." The most fundamental reason for this lies in having Xi Jinping at the helm, providing the whole Party with a "pillar of strength" [7] and the more than 1.4 billion Chinese people with a "backbone" [8]. Xi Jinping is the well-deserved core of the Party, leader of the people, and commander of the military; he is the principal founder of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, and the pilot and helmsman of the great ship of the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. With the scientific guidance of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, the whole Party, the whole military, and the people of all ethnic groups have an "anchor" [9] for their thoughts and a "compass" for their actions. The core is the soul and the strength; the thought is the flag and the direction. The CPC’s "Two Establishments"—establishing Comrade Xi Jinping's status as the core of the Party Central Committee and of the whole Party, and establishing the guiding role of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era—is the most significant political achievement, the most important historical experience, and the most objective practical conclusion of the New Era. It is the CPC's greatest certainty, greatest confidence, and greatest guarantee in dealing with uncertainties. The "Two Establishments" form an organically linked and inseparable unity, possessing decisive significance for the development of the Party and state cause in the New Era and for advancing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. As Lenin pointed out: "Without 'human emotions,' there has never been, nor can there be, any human search for truth." Affection for the leader and the pursuit of truth are important political qualities of Marxist parties, including the CPC.
III. Iron Discipline is the Party's Magic Weapon for Becoming "A Solid Piece of Steel" and Invincibility
A Marxist party is a political party with the proletariat as its class basis and the broadest masses of the people as its mass base. Marx pointed out: "The proletariat, in its struggle against the combined power of the possessing classes, can act as a class only by organizing itself into a distinct political party, opposed to all the old parties formed by the possessing classes." The essential characteristics and distinct advantages of such a new political party are: "The Communists, therefore, are on the one hand, practically, the most advanced and resolute section of the working-class parties of every country, that section which pushes forward all others; on the other hand, theoretically, they have over the great mass of the proletariat the advantage of clearly understanding the line of march, the conditions, and the ultimate general results of the proletarian movement." Such a Marxist party should and can "achieve unconditional centralization and extremely strict discipline" so as to "correctly, effectively, and victoriously perform its organizational role (which is its main role)." For a Marxist party, Party discipline consists of the rules of conduct that Party organizations at all levels and all Party members must observe; it is the guarantee for maintaining Party unity and completing the Party's tasks. Marx pointed out: "We must now absolutely maintain Party discipline, otherwise we will achieve nothing." Lenin pointed out: "Unconditional centralization and the strictest discipline of the proletariat are one of the fundamental conditions for victory over the bourgeoisie." Party organizations must strictly implement and maintain Party discipline, and Party members must consciously accept the constraints of Party discipline. Party discipline mainly includes political discipline, organizational discipline, integrity discipline, mass discipline, work discipline, and life discipline.
In the historical process of the International Communist Movement, the major principle of maintaining Party unity and centralized, unified leadership was gradually formed and continuously developed alongside the advancement of the proletarian revolutionary struggle and the establishment of Marxist parties. Maintaining the Party's unity and centralized, unified leadership is the lifeblood of the Party. Ensuring the Party's unity and centralized, unified leadership is a basic question of Marxism and a fundamental issue in Marxist party building. Article 1 of the Rules of the Communist League (hereinafter referred to as the "Rules") clearly stipulates the League's purpose: "The overthrow of the bourgeoisie, the rule of the proletariat, the abolition of the old bourgeois society based on class antagonisms, and the establishment of a new society without classes and without private property." Achieving this historical mission necessarily requires the whole Party to unite under the Party's flag and always maintain centralized unity, thereby becoming a "solid piece of steel." Article 2 of the Rules makes clear stipulations regarding the qualifications for membership, a very important one being "promising to obey all resolutions of the League," because "revolutionary activity can only exert its full power under conditions of centralization." Marx and Engels emphasized that a proletarian party must concentrate all its forces; if every branch and every individual acts as they please, the Party can only fall into disintegration and cannot become a strong and unified organization.
In the historical process of the International Communist Movement, maintaining the Party's unity and centralized, unified leadership first requires achieving ideological unity within the Party. The Party's ideological unity is the deepest, most lasting, and most reliable guarantee of the Party's unity and solidarity. It is "deepest" because it is built upon shared ideals and beliefs, common political goals, and common organizational discipline; it is "most lasting" because it is built upon the practical foundation of long-term revolutionary struggle and the cause of construction; it is "most reliable" because it is built upon the Party’s rigorous organizational system and institutional mechanisms. Lenin pointed out that to achieve the Party's centralized unity, "first, it is necessary to achieve solid ideological consistency, eliminating differences of opinion and ideological confusion." If there is no ideological unity, establishing and consolidating a centralized and unified party is impossible. The proletariat "can become, and inevitably will become, an invincible force only by the fact that its ideological unity based on the principles of Marxism is reinforced by the material unity of organization." In the practice of founding the Russian Communist Party and leading the Russian socialist revolution and construction, Lenin emphasized: "The Party is the directly ruling vanguard of the proletariat, it is the leader"; "The Party should be the sum of its organizations (and not some simple arithmetical sum, but a whole)..."
There must be extremely strict, true, and iron discipline; otherwise, "the Bolsheviks would not have stayed in power for two-and-a-half months, let alone two-and-a-half years."
The Party is the "spokesman of the people" and the "highest form" of proletarian organization. This means that a Marxist party is both the most elite, advanced, and conscious detachment of the proletariat and an organized detachment with rigorous organization and unified discipline, constituting a unified system composed of central, local, and primary-level organizations. The Party is a fighting organization united by a single will, unified action, and unified discipline; every Party member must participate in a Party organization, carry out Party resolutions, and observe Party discipline. As a unified material force, the Party's rigorous organizational system consolidated Marxist principles and ensured that the Party’s theories could be transformed into immense material energy, achieving the great victory of the Russian October Revolution and the initial successes of Russian socialist construction.
Lenin also emphasized the significance of Party leadership and Party discipline for maintaining and consolidating the dictatorship of the proletariat: "The dictatorship of the proletariat is a persistent struggle—bloody and bloodless, violent and peaceful, military and economic, educational and administrative—against the forces and traditions of the old society. The force of habit of millions and tens of millions is a most terrible force. Without an iron party tempered in the struggle, without a party enjoying the confidence of all that is honest in the given class, without a party capable of watching and influencing the mood of the masses, it is impossible to conduct such a struggle successfully." He further noted: "Whoever weakens ever so little the iron discipline of the party of the proletariat (especially during the time of its dictatorship), actually aids the bourgeoisie against the proletariat." A major reason for the dissolution of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) and the collapse of the Soviet Union was that the CPSU abandoned the principle of centralized and unified leadership and implemented so-called autonomy for Party organizations at all levels. This caused the Party to evolve from ideological confusion into organizational chaos, ultimately leading this great party of nearly 20,000,000 members to dejectedly exit the stage of history.
In the historical process of the international communist movement, the Communist Party of China (CPC) has faced a multitude of difficulties and contradictions, and endured challenges and risks of a magnitude incomparable to any other political party. Consequently, the roles of Party theory, Party leaders, and Party discipline have become even more prominent and important. Party discipline is built on the value foundation of members’ loyalty to the Party, firmness of faith, and conscious obedience. The CPC has always emphasized disciplinarity and attached importance to discipline building. As a Marxist party organized by relying on revolutionary ideals and iron discipline, being rigorously organized and strictly disciplined is the CPC’s glorious tradition and unique advantage.
During the New Democratic Revolution period [10], the Party gradually formed organizational discipline centered on the "Four Obediences" [11], as well as the continuously enriched military discipline of the "Three Main Rules of Discipline and Eight Points for Attention" [12]. By strengthening ideological education, reinforcing revolutionary ideals, and forging the disciplinarity of the revolutionary ranks, the CPC integrated the building of clean politics into all aspects of the work of the Soviet regimes [13] and the Border Regions [14]. As the War of Liberation entered the phase of strategic counter-offensive and the Chinese Revolution neared victory, Mao Zedong put forward the slogan "Strengthen discipline, and the revolution will be ever-victorious," emphasizing the necessity and importance of discipline for revolutionary victory. After the founding of New China, having achieved national governance, the CPC paid even greater attention to the solemnity of Party discipline. On July 9, 1957, Mao Zedong pointed out: "I hope to create such a situation, which is both centralized and unified, yet vivid and vigorous—that is, possessing both democracy and centralism, both freedom and discipline."
Deng Xiaoping once recalled: "Thinking back, it was precisely based on Comrade Mao Zedong's theory of Party building that such a good party was established. After the Yan’an Rectification Movement [15], people in both the front and the rear were truly full of vitality, vivid and vigorous, at ease, and united as one. This party established by Comrade Mao Zedong was able to both fully promote democracy—fully bringing out the subordinates' consciousness in observing discipline—and establish a high degree of centralism on such a basis. Who would not listen to the orders and calls of Chairman Mao and the Party Central Committee! Who did not listen consciously! Without such a Party atmosphere, could we have defeated enemies far stronger than ourselves? Could we have achieved victory after victory after the founding of New China?" In the new period of reform, opening up, and socialist modernization, the CPC centered its efforts on economic construction, rectified Party conduct, enforced Party discipline, and integrated the anti-corruption struggle into the entire process of reform and opening up, striving to improve its ability to resist corruption and prevent degeneration and to withstand risks, while continuously strengthening the building of the Party’s governing capacity and its advanced nature.
Entering the New Era, Xi Jinping has attached great importance to the building of Party discipline, pointing out: "Discipline is the 'ruler' for managing and governing the Party; it is also the standard and guide for Party members and cadres to constrain their own behavior. Discipline building must be placed in a more prominent position. The requirement of 'strictness' must be implemented throughout the entire process of formulating Party regulations, conducting disciplinary education, and supervising the execution of discipline. This will both allow the iron discipline to 'grow teeth' and exert its power, and ensure that cadres remain attentive, alert, and know when to stop, so that the whole Party forms a high degree of consciousness in following rules and observing discipline." Under the deployment of the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core, Party-wide disciplinary study and education were carried out from April to July 2024.
Since the 18th CPC National Congress, Xi Jinping has repeatedly emphasized that as the world's largest Marxist governing party, how the CPC can successfully escape the "historical cycle" [16] of rise and fall, and ensure that the Party never changes its nature, its color, or its character, is a strategic question facing all comrades in the Party. In the great practice of advancing the comprehensive and strict governance of the Party, the CPC has continuously engaged in practical exploration and theoretical reflection. Building upon the "first answer" given by Mao Zedong in his time—"letting the people supervise the government"—the Party has provided a "second answer," which is to "continuously advance the Party’s self-revolution." This systematically answers major questions such as why the CPC must undergo self-revolution, why it is capable of self-revolution, and how to advance self-revolution.
Specifically, the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core has incorporated discipline building into the New Great Project of Party Building in the New Era. It emphasizes comprehensively advancing the Party’s political building, ideological building, organizational building, conduct building, and discipline building, with institutional building integrated throughout. It emphasizes comprehensively strengthening the building of Party discipline, urging leading cadres—especially high-level leading cadres—to be strict with themselves, strictly assume their responsibilities, and strictly manage their jurisdictions. Any issues involving violations of Party discipline must be resolutely investigated and handled as soon as they are discovered. It emphasizes deeply carrying out education on Party spirit, Party conduct, and Party discipline, inheriting the Party’s glorious traditions and fine style, and stimulating the noble professional pursuits of Communists, viewing the use of power for personal gain and embezzlement/corruption as a great disgrace. It emphasizes deepening the "reshaping of the form" and "reforging of the spirit" of Party organizations and the ranks of Party members to ensure the Party does not change its nature, color, or character, and ensuring that the Party remains the strong leadership core in the historical process of adhering to and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics in the New Era.
Looking across the historical process of the international communist movement, it is precisely because of Marx, Engels, and Marxism that socialism evolved from utopia to science, and from scientific theory to the practice of a movement; and that Marxist parties were initially created and subsequently established, developed, and strengthened globally. It is precisely because of Lenin, Leninism, and Marxism-Leninism that the October Revolution succeeded and the world’s first socialist state was established; that the first appearance of socialism shifting from the practice of a movement to the practice of a system, and from the practice of one country to the practice of many countries, occurred, followed by the flourishing development of multi-country practice. It is precisely because of the outstanding leadership of the CPC and the scientific theories of the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism that we have the conclusion that socialism has not let China down and China has not let socialism down, and we have the world-renowned achievements and contributions of socialism with Chinese characteristics and socialism with Chinese characteristics in the New Era.
Looking across the historical process of the international communist movement, it is precisely because Marxist parties have scientific theory as their guide, outstanding leaders at the helm, and iron discipline for forging that they possess steel-like unity and have achieved victory after victory in overcoming difficulties. It is from the deep call of theory, the profound revelation of history, and the urgent needs of reality that the CPC made the major political judgment of the "Two Establishments," which carries decisive significance, and put forward the major political requirement of resolutely achieving the "Two Upholds." This is an inevitable logic connecting the past, present, and future, and a profound summation of objective laws.