Hei Ran: South Asian Communist Parties' Exploration of the Socialist Path Against the Backdrop of a Century of Changes
Against the backdrop of the "changes unseen in a century" in today's world, the historical trend of the "East rising and the West declining" has overlapped with the accelerated transformation of the international system. This has driven a reshaping of the political landscape, adjustments to economic policies, and shifts in the social environment across the South Asian region. Within this context, Communist Parties in South Asia have clearly upheld the guiding position of Marxism, seeking new opportunities for development and striving to explore paths of socialist development that conform to their own national conditions. Understanding the theory and practice of South Asian Communist Parties under the conditions of these century-long changes helps us better grasp the current status and prospects of the South Asian communist movement, thereby deepening our understanding and reflections on the laws governing the development of Communist Parties worldwide.
I. Proposing New Perspectives and Assertions
Since the dawn of the 21st century, although the competition and cooperation between the two systems of socialism and capitalism have taken on a more complex posture, the pattern of long-term coexistence between the two remains difficult to alter. Meanwhile, although the international communist movement remains at a low ebb, the overall situation is showing a trend of gradual improvement. Against this background, Communist Parties in South Asia have integrated their own characteristics to carry out theoretical innovation, actively promoting new development for the South Asian communist movement in the 21st century.
(1) Assessment of the Current International Situation
Facing the profound adjustment of the international landscape and system, the Communist Party of Bangladesh, the Communist Party of India, the Communist Party of India (Maoist), and the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Centre) have conducted in-depth analyses of the international situation from the perspectives of capitalist crises, the socialist movement, and the evolution of the two-system pattern. They argue that as the trend of international multipolarity accelerates, the contradictions between capitalism and socialism continue to intensify, and this confrontation brings important opportunities for the development of world socialism. The Communist Party of Bangladesh points out that after the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the United States became the sole superpower, attempting to rely on its formidable economic, military, and technological strength to establish a US-led "unipolar world." However, as the internal contradictions of capitalism become increasingly acute, it will be difficult for capitalism to continue surviving in its traditional manner. Simultaneously, the world socialist movement has regained its vitality and is exhibiting a new developmental momentum. The Communist Party of India believes that the complexity of the current international situation is manifested centrally in the United States' use of NATO to continuously encroach upon the strategic space of countries worldwide. Under imperialist aggression and expansion, the globe is in an exceptionally difficult period; Communist and Workers' Parties have a responsibility to defend the rights of the people and struggle to realize socialism. The CPI (Maoist) states that the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic plunged the global economy into a severe recession, and the different ways capitalist and socialist countries responded to the pandemic and its related issues formed a sharp contrast. Today, imperialism faces intense resistance from the working class, the peasantry, and other strata. With the rise and development of labor movements in countries and regions such as the United States, France, the United Kingdom, Germany, South Korea, and Sri Lanka, socialism and communism are becoming increasingly popular on a global scale. The CPN (Maoist Centre) emphasizes that as the world's pace toward multipolarity accelerates, the confrontation between the two systems of capitalism and socialism is becoming daily more intense. Imperialist countries led by the United States are launching a "New Cold War" against China, and the Biden administration is further attempting to interpret the China-US game as a confrontation between autocracy and democracy.
(2) Critique of the Capitalist System
In recent years, the Communist Party of India (Marxist), the Communist Party of Pakistan, the Communist Party of Nepal (Revolutionary Maoist), and the Communist Party of Sri Lanka have critiqued the institutional flaws of capitalism from the perspectives of capitalist crises, war and plunder, the concentration of wealth, and the gap between the rich and the poor. They point out that the root of economic crises lies in the capitalist system itself, while analyzing the essence of capitalist exploitation under current conditions and its profound impact on developing countries. The CPI (Marxist) points out that during the COVID-19 pandemic, lockdowns and the suspension of production caused the global economy to shrink by approximately 4.4% in 2020. Although the scale of global fiscal stimulus reached 16.9 trillion USD, nearly 86% of global spending was monopolized by developed countries. History has repeatedly proven that capitalism cannot effectively respond to increasingly serious economic crises, because economic crises themselves are an inevitable product of the capitalist system. General Secretary Imdad Qazi of the Communist Party of Pakistan believes that the practice of capitalist countries deliberately instigating wars by exploiting racial differences and ethnic contradictions may lead to a wider scope of instability and war crises. Kiran [1], General Secretary of the CPN (Revolutionary Maoist), points out that under the control and influence of imperialism, Nepal has been deeply affected by the pandemic, with domestic prices skyrocketing, unemployment remaining high, and the gap between rich and poor becoming increasingly severe. Today, Nepal must rely on loans to maintain government operations and basic fiscal expenditures, indicating that the capitalist world system based on neoliberalism is deeply mired in crisis. The Communist Party of Sri Lanka stated that as of 2022, Sri Lanka's economic crisis had evolved into a triple crisis of finance, foreign exchange, and credit, with the country's total external debt reaching 52 billion USD. This reflects the profound crisis Sri Lanka is experiencing, the root of which is the capitalist system and neoliberal policies.
(3) Deepening the Understanding of the Connotations of Socialism
Based on exploring the basic experience of socialism, the Communist Party of Bangladesh, the CPI (Marxist), the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist), and the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (People's Liberation Front) of Sri Lanka have proposed different insights regarding the connotations of socialism from the angles of the superiority of socialism and the localization of Marxism. This indicates that various parties have engaged in deep reflection during the process of exploring paths of socialist development suited to their own national conditions, and it also reflects the positive influence that the theory and practice of socialism with Chinese characteristics has had on promoting the localization of Marxism in the South Asian region. The 11th Congress of the Communist Party of Bangladesh reaffirmed that in a socialist society, the dictatorship of the proletariat will replace the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, and public ownership of the means of production will replace private ownership. Progress in science and technology will provide effective support for the coordinated development of humanity and nature; social problems such as poverty, hunger, disease, illiteracy, and discrimination against women will be gradually resolved; and people will fully enjoy social welfare and security, such as wage equity, food security, housing subsidies, healthcare, and public education. The CPI (Marxist) points out that the rise of China has strengthened the confidence of South Asian Communist Parties in the superiority of the socialist system, noting that the Chinese government's prevention and control of the COVID-19 pandemic was markedly different from that of Western capitalist countries like the United States. The party's General Secretary, Sitaram Yechury, stated that the CPI (Marxist) proposes "Indian-style socialism," placing the interests of the people in the supreme position. Democratic rights and civil liberties will become inseparable elements of the socialist judicial, political, and social order; improvements in the living conditions of workers, peasants, and marginalized groups will greatly empower their economic, political, and social rights; the abolition of the caste system will thoroughly end exploitation and oppression, achieving the equal development of different linguistic and social groups; and socialist economic construction will be based on the socialization of the means of production and a planned economy. The CPN (UML) emphasized in its 10th Political Report that the socialist system is a political and economic system characterized by public benefit, openness, justice, and equality, and that building "socialism with Nepalese characteristics" is the party's strategic goal. Tilvin Silva, General Secretary of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna of Sri Lanka, stated that contemporary models of socialist development are diverse, including the Soviet, Chinese, and Cuban models. Since certain characteristics of socialism are based on the actual conditions of technological development in a specific period, the party advocates building "socialism with modern characteristics." This is a model of socialism with Sri Lankan characteristics that integrates advanced technology, advocating for the application of advanced modes of production in all areas of the state to enhance overall production efficiency through the modern transformation of various sectors.
II. Deepening the Exploration of the Practice of Struggle
In today's world, the two trends of turbulence and change continue to evolve. Facing the intertwining of various contradictions, South Asian Communist Parties persist in seeking ideological guidance from Marxist theory, continuously enriching their practices of struggle, and striving to win the right to speak [2] for the Left within the national political ecosystem.
(1) Adjusting Strategies of Struggle
According to the needs of the situation of struggle, South Asian Communist Parties—including the Communist Party of Bangladesh, the CPI, the CPI (Marxist), the Communist Party of Pakistan, and the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna of Sri Lanka—have made timely adjustments to their struggle strategies in terms of opposing imperialism and all reactionaries, expanding the influence of leftist parties, and competing for political discourse power. The Communist Party of Bangladesh has adopted a combination of parliamentary struggle and mass movements to expand the political influence of the Left Democratic Front, continuously promoting the revolutionary democratic transformation of society and the state. At the 12th Congress held in 2022, Party President Mujahidul Islam Selim pointed out that facing risks and challenges such as imperialism, political oppression, the lack of democracy, and sectarianism, we must unite with other democratic forces as much as possible to carry out the struggle. Since their founding, both the CPI and the CPI (Marxist) have chosen the method of legal parliamentary struggle to achieve their goals. To regain the right to speak within the Indian political ecosystem, which is increasingly turning toward the right, the CPI proposed in April 2023 to promote the socialist struggle through a "national political movement" to lay the foundation for the 2024 general election. The party also emphasized that the political movement needs to take multiple measures, such as using social media to expand the party's influence, coordinating the relationship between the party and different classes, social groups, and cultural organizations, and maintaining high ideological unity among secular democratic forces. In its 22nd Congress Political Resolution in 2018, the CPI (Marxist) proposed a line of struggle stating that "defeating the BJP and its allies must be carried out without entering into an alliance with the Congress Party." However, facing the trend of the "saffron wave" [3] sweeping the nation, the CPI (Marxist) reached an understanding with all secular parties, including the Congress Party, in October 2020, and formed an alliance with the Congress Party in December of that year. The Communist Party of Pakistan emphasized in 2020 that focus should be placed on the economic problems faced by the working class and the general public to strengthen the struggle. However, in its 10th Congress Political Resolution in 2023, the party explicitly stated that while elections are one of the primary forms of political participation, in order to liberate themselves from the shackles of imperialism, militarism, and feudal oppression and establish a secular socialist society, the party decided to launch a revolution through mass movements and class struggle. It can be seen from this that the struggle strategy of the Communist Party of Pakistan has shown a clear "left turn." In November 2021, facing the intensifying political and economic crises in Sri Lanka, the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna timely adjusted its strategy of independent political participation, attempting to launch political propaganda in rural areas nationwide, mobilizing and organizing the broad masses of peasants to join the struggle against the bourgeois government. This move not only had a positive impact on the mass movement but also, to a certain extent, drove the wave of national strikes in 2022.
(2) Innovating Governing Practices
Among the South Asian nations, the Communist Parties of India and Nepal are somewhat representative in their innovations in governing practices. Various parties have achieved significant results in promoting economic development, strengthening infrastructure construction, and improving the quality of life for the people. In the 2021 Indian local elections, the Left Democratic Front (LDF), led by CPI (Marxist) Politburo member Pinarayi Vijayan, won over 45% of the vote, achieving continuous governance for the Left in the state of Kerala. In May 2023, Vijayan pointed out in a local government work report that between 2021 and 2023, Kerala's GDP grew by 12.01%, the development of information technology created 22,650 jobs for the working people, and the unemployment rate dropped from 12% to 5%. The government addressed the urgent needs of 64,006 impoverished families and provided internet access to 7,000 low-income households. Between 2022 and 2023, through the vigorous implementation of people's livelihood projects, a total of 54,648 houses were completed, and 412 primary health centers were upgraded to well-equipped family health centers, with another 62 still under construction. These data reflect the remarkable achievements of the "Kerala Model," embodying the superiority of Communist Party governance and the socialist governance system.
After the split of the CPN in 2021, the Nepalese political arena entered a new period of turbulence. In December 2022, a seven-party alliance secured governing status in Nepal; under this arrangement, Prachanda, Chairman of the CPN (Maoist Centre), would first serve as Prime Minister for two and a half years before handing the office over to K.P. Sharma Oli, Chairman of the CPN (UML). In April 2023, the Secretariat of the Prime Minister of Nepal released the work priorities and major achievements of the Prachanda government's first 100 days in office. It detailed a "37-point work plan" covering the management of tax evasion, reduction of daily expenditures, advancement of judicial processes, and promotion of public welfare. The plan aimed to drive reform in state governance, promote economic development, upgrade infrastructure, improve education and healthcare conditions, and optimize social services. Furthermore, at the "2023 Kantipur Economic Summit," Prachanda stated that despite the intertwined effects of the COVID-19 pandemic, the Russia-Ukraine conflict, economic recession, and internal contradictions, Nepal had still achieved gratifying results in education, health, environmental protection, and social security.
(3) Strengthening Inter-Party Exchanges
In recent years, Communist Parties in South Asian countries have actively deepened theoretical exchanges and mutual learning of experiences with Communist and Workers' Parties, progressive parties, and organizations worldwide, including the Communist Party of China. They have made new progress in inter-party exchanges and the strengthening of solidarity. First, the CPI(M) and the Nepalese Communist Parties have used major milestones in the international communist movement—such as the 100th anniversary of the victory of the October Revolution and the 200th anniversary of Marx's birth—as opportunities to hold seminars for South Asian socialist parties and seminars on Marxism and contemporary theory, conducting in-depth theoretical exchanges with global Marxist parties and progressive forces. Second, on the occasions of the 100th anniversary of the founding of the Communist International, the 150th anniversary of the Paris Commune, the 130th anniversary of Mao Zedong's birth, and the 100th anniversary of Lenin's death, the CPB, CPI, CPP, CPN (Maoist Centre), and CPN (Revolutionary Maoist) actively promoted the spread and development of Marxism by issuing commemorative manifestos, holding ceremonies, and organizing seminars. Meanwhile, South Asian Communist Parties have used various forms to broadly publicize their respective policy positions, calling on the Left to strengthen international solidarity and further consolidate leftist forces on the basis of respecting differences and seeking consensus. Third, on the eve of the 80th anniversary of the founding of the CPSL, the CPB, CPI, CPI(M), and CPN (UML) expressed their congratulations and actively supported the CPSL's celebratory activities. Finally, in September 2024, the 14th World Socialist Forum, sponsored by the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS), was held in Beijing. Leaders of South Asian Communist Parties, including Munasinghe, Director of the Marxist Research Institute of the Communist Party of Sri Lanka, and Chowdhury, a member of the Central Committee and head of the International Department of the Communist Party of Bangladesh, attended and delivered speeches. At an historical turning point and a time of interwoven changes and disorder, South Asian Communist Parties and Marxists from various countries have converged to form a powerful synergy to meet challenges, providing new impetus for the development of world socialism.
III. Main Problems and Challenges Faced
As representatives of important political influence and progressive forces, although the Communist Parties of South Asia have achieved certain successes in theoretical innovation and practical exploration, they still face severe tests on vital issues such as advancing Party building, strengthening leftist unity, responding to right-wing and religious forces, and resisting external interference.
(1) Difficulties in Party Building
The building and development of Communist Parties in South Asia have effectively driven the struggles for national independence and people's liberation in South Asian countries. However, in the process of improving the Party's combat effectiveness, South Asian Communist Parties also face many obstacles. The CPI (Maoist) believes that Party building is a relatively slow process full of complex challenges; it requires not only the formulation of clear goals and plans but also implementation and continuous supervision by personnel at all levels and departments. Currently, because the Party's strength is relatively weak, the CPI (Maoist) is unable to absorb as many advanced elements of the working class into the Party as possible, making it difficult to fully play the role of the working class as the main force. Furthermore, if it cannot effectively unite the semi-proletariat, students, intellectuals, and other segments of the petty bourgeoisie, the CPI (Maoist) will face even greater pressure in its Party-building work, thereby hindering the deeper development of class struggle and mass movements. In Pakistan, the authorities once spared no effort to drive a wedge between the people and the CPP, even using martial law and military means to forcefully suppress the Pakistani Left, leading to the CPP being banned for a time and its leadership and cadres suffering persecution through imprisonment, torture, and unjust trials. Today, the CPP's internal organization is relatively loose, and party cadres tend to distance themselves from political struggle, showing a passive attitude toward activities commemorating major historical events of the international communist movement. In the foreseeable future, given the negligible possibility of the Left seizing state power, deeply advancing Party building remains an arduous task currently facing the CPP. In Nepal, the CPN (UML), as a major representative of the parliamentary Left, became the largest party in the country after the 1994 parliamentary elections. Regarding the Party's loss in the 2022 general election and the weakening trend shown by the parliamentary Left in recent years, the Party holds that under a domestic environment of political instability, it faces challenges from two fronts: first, a minority of party cadres lack initiative, loyalty, and integrity; second, internal organizational chaos has persisted for eight to ten years, indicating relatively serious flaws in the management system and organizational discipline. To further enhance the Party's advanced nature, purity, and influence, and to promptly reverse the electoral decline, strengthening the building of primary-level Party organizations has become an urgent priority.
(2) Difficulty in Achieving Internal Unity and Unification
Unity is the prerequisite for proletarian victory. Overall, current communist forces in South Asia remain relatively weak compared to capitalist forces. In Bangladesh, because state power is held by the bourgeoisie, leftist parties and organizations have failed to form a sincerely united camp. Compounded by the limited appeal of the Communist Party, the increasing severity of subjectivist styles of work [4], and the lack of clarity in formulating a democratic alternative, the Left still faces significant challenges on the future path of strengthening unity. Therefore, the CPB, as the backbone of the country's Left, called in the political resolution of its 11th National Congress to unite all patriotic, democratic, and progressive forces to further increase the cohesion of leftist parties. In Nepal, leftist unity has long been plagued by sectarianism. Due to irreconcilable differences between Prachanda and the "hardliners" led by Kiran on issues such as the Nepalese state system and army integration, the "hardliners" broke away from the CPN (Maoist Centre) to establish the CPN (Maoist)—later renamed the CPN (Revolutionary Maoist)—which follows the path of people's war. Because contradictions between Prachanda and Oli over the handover of the premiership continued to intensify, the governing alliance between the CPN (Maoist Centre) and the CPN (UML) eventually collapsed. Serious sectarianism has weakened the overall strength of the Nepalese Left and exerted a negative impact on the further development of the Nepalese communist movement. In Sri Lanka, the lack of unity and unification has always been one of the important reasons for the tortuous development of leftist parties. Differences in attitude toward the Sri Lanka Freedom Party have not only intensified contradictions between the "traditional Left"—represented by the CPSL and the Lanka Sama Samaja Party—and the "new Left"—represented by the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP)—but have also further exacerbated the trend of fragmentation within the Sri Lankan Left. The inability to converge on views regarding the foundation, components, and main goals of a united front has resulted in leftist parties being unable to consolidate their strength to form substantively influential political measures in parliamentary struggles. Today, various factions of the Sri Lankan Left attempt to advance the socialist movement in their own ways, but limited by ideological constraints and party solidarity, the Left remains on the periphery of national political power.
(3) Rise of Right-Wing and Religious Forces
In recent years, under the containment and pincer attacks of right-wing and religious forces, the survival and development of South Asian Communist Parties have faced severe tests. In India, the current trend of "one-party dominance" by the BJP has become the most prominent feature of the country's political landscape. As the primary representative of the radical right and conservatism, the BJP government views leftist forces as "a thorn in its side" and employs various means to squeeze the political survival space of the Left. As India's political ecosystem continues to deteriorate, phenomena such as the expanding scale of privatization, the erosion of democratic systems, and the persecution of religious minorities have become more serious, making the conditions for the Communist Party's survival and development increasingly difficult. In Pakistan, the ruling bloc—composed of those in power, politicians, local capitalists, and feudal forces—ruthlessly plunders the oppressed people with the support of international imperialist forces. This has plunged the situation in Pakistan into turmoil, leaving the country facing serious economic, political, and social crises. Consequently, the influence of the Communist Party and leftist forces has gradually weakened, and political forces advocating for national rights have also been severely struck. Meanwhile, religious organizations established or sheltered by national security agencies have developed rapidly, and concepts such as "whatever the people are like, Allah (God) will grant them the same type of ruler" have become deeply rooted in the public mind. Religious forces are not only spreading rapidly in Pakistan and India but have also had a profound impact on party politics in Nepal.
(4) Intervention by External Forces
The development of the South Asian communist movement is deeply affected by the intervention of external forces such as India and the United States. As a neighbor of Nepal, India has always regarded Nepal as its sphere of influence since gaining independence. Following the 2022 Nepalese general election, India used diplomatic means and economic cooperation to win over the Nepali Congress party, attempting to influence the direction of Nepalese politics and prevent Prachanda from serving as the Prime Minister of the new government. Seeing this plan fail, high-level Indian officials visited Nepal in succession in February 2023 to meet with top leaders of the main Nepalese political parties, attempting to change the internal power structure of the CPN (Maoist Centre) and CPN (UML) governing alliance and thereby accelerate its disintegration. Meanwhile, to maintain its regional hegemony, the United States has incorporated deepening its partnership with Nepal into its Indo-Pacific strategy. In February 2022, the United States coerced Nepal into signing the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) agreement as a component of the Indo-Pacific strategy. The U.S. also attempts to use various means to force Nepalese Communists to accept Western democratic models so that the Nepalese communist movement can be transformed to align with U.S. interests. Sri Lankan leftist parties are similarly subject to intervention by external forces. In April 2022, facing the crisis of the global capitalist system and an unprecedented domestic economic and political crisis in Sri Lanka, the CPSL, along with other leftist parties in parliament, proposed an "11-point program" calling for the establishment of an interim government and urgent measures to provide relief to the affected population under a minimum political consensus. However, Western countries led by the U.S. utilized economic aid and political pressure to guide high-level Sri Lankan officials into making political choices that suited Western interests. Motivated by an urgent need for external aid, then-President Gotabaya Rajapaksa chose to compromise with imperialist forces, supporting Ranil Wickremesinghe—a representative of "conservative" forces and leader of the United National Party—to return to power as Prime Minister. Seizing this opportunity, the U.S. used IMF negotiations to facilitate the signing of an MCC agreement with Sri Lanka, though the agreement was temporarily shelved due to strong opposition from the CPSL and other leftist parties.
IV. Development Prospects and the Way Forward
Currently, the development of Communist Parties in South Asia exhibits characteristics of complexity, long-term duration, and diversity. Looking ahead, South Asian Communist Parties will continue to persist in combining Marxism with their own national realities, actively responding to practical challenges, and contributing new strength to the South Asian communist movement and the cause of human liberation.
(1) Comprehensively Strengthening Party Building
Under new historical conditions, the Communist Parties of South Asia (CPSAs) have further clarified key areas and implementation paths for Party-building work, integrating these with their own developmental contexts. For a considerable period, the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI(M)) failed to make substantive progress in consolidating Party independence or expanding its political influence. To effectively curb and timely reverse the Party’s decline, and to build a Communist Party guided by Marxism-Leninism with a solid mass base nationwide, the Political Resolution of the 23rd Congress of the CPI(M) emphasized work in the following areas: first, comprehensively strengthening the Party’s political, ideological, and organizational construction, and reinforcing close ties between the Party and the masses; second, prioritizing the resolution of practical issues of general concern to the masses to advance new achievements in mass struggle; third, focusing on various livelihood difficulties to help the masses overcome the negative impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic as soon as possible; fourth, actively responding to the risks and challenges posed by Hindu nationalist forces; fifth, launching struggles centered on social issues, caste oppression, and gender discrimination; and sixth, strictly following the directives of the Kolkata Plenum to focus on enhancing the ideological consciousness and professional competence of Party members. The Communist Party of Bangladesh (CPB), the Communist Party of India (Maoist), the Communist Party of Pakistan (CPP), and the Communist Party of Nepal (Revolutionary Maoist) [CPN(RM)] are committed to building the Party into a proletarian revolutionary party that advances and retreats with the people, cares for national interests, and is efficient and strictly organized. Throughout the history of the Pakistani communist movement, the three major splits in the CPP in 1987, 1989, and 1991, along with the international crisis triggered by Gorbachev's reforms, severely dampened the enthusiasm of cadres and greatly hindered Party building and development. To escape this predicament, the CPP stated in its 10th Congress Political Resolution that it must exert sufficient effort in cadre building to improve the overall quality of members, striving to build a responsible and ideological revolutionary party. Simultaneously, it must strengthen organizational construction under the guidance of Marxism-Leninism to advance the struggle against imperialism, revisionism, and capitalism. Facing a complex and volatile domestic situation, the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist) (CPN-UML) advocates for creating a Communist Party composed of highly cultured leaders and activists. The Political Report of the 10th Congress of the CPN-UML proposed that basic political consciousness is far from enough for cadres; they must also master specific professional knowledge and apply it to practice. The broad membership should also involve themselves in building primary-level Party organizations, understanding the operational processes and mechanisms of recruitment, Party committee management, meeting training, and primary-level interaction, so as to correctly handle internal Party contradictions and enhance the Party's political influence and organizational cohesion at the grassroots.
(2) Promoting Unity and Cooperation among Left-wing Forces For South Asian Communist Parties with differing political stances, the key to achieving unity lies in whether they can creatively overcome seemingly insurmountable obstacles. This involves establishing common goals on the basis of mutual respect and understanding, formulating action plans step-by-step, and maintaining coordination between Left-wing parties, organizations, and democratic forces to the greatest extent possible. The CPB, the Communist Party of India (CPI), and the CPI(M) emphasize that to coordinate and unite Left-wing democratic forces, they must scientifically interpret the theoretical value and contemporary significance of Marxism and resolutely struggle against erroneous trends such as opportunism, subjectivism, and narrow nationalism. Beyond the working class, they must establish links with all social strata and sectors, deepening pragmatic cooperation with other Left forces, progressives, and democratic parties. Facing the overall trend of increasing political instability and the waning strength of the Left, the CPP and the Communist Party of Sri Lanka (CPSL) persist in proceeding from the overall situation, gathering domestic Left-wing parties and cadres onto a unified platform to establish new Left-wing political alliances. To this end, in June 2022, the CPP joined ten other Left parties—including the Pakistan Inkilaabi Party (PIP), the National Party (NP), and the Jammu Kashmir National Awami Party (JKNAP)—to form the Progressive Left Alliance (PLA). To further strengthen the alliance, Chashman Kazi claimed that Communists must comprehensively unite workers, peasants, nationalists, and socially vulnerable groups, regardless of ethnicity or any other status. Left parties such as the CPSL and the Lanka Sama Samaja Party (LSSP) also formed the Supreme Lanka Coalition (SLC) in September 2022 with the radical Left-wing National Freedom Front (NFF). However, facing multiple domestic crises, Sri Lankan Left scholar Dayan Jayatilleka pointed out that only by uniting with the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) and the Frontline Socialist Party (FSP) to form a unified Left camp—around which other Left parties and groups can gather—can the CPSL further consolidate Left consensus and promote deepened unity and cooperation. The history of the Nepalese communist movement proves that unity is an important guarantee for the smooth development of the Party’s cause. In May 2023, the CPN(RM) and the CPN (Bahumat) announced a formal merger into the Revolutionary Communist Party of Nepal (RCPN); Kiran immediately stated that without a unified Communist Party, any movement or revolution would find it difficult to succeed. In June of the same year, the CPN (Maoist Centre), the CPN (Unified Socialist) (CPN-US), the People's Socialist Party (PSP), and the NCP (Biplav) announced the formation of the Socialist Front (SM), where the four party chairpersons would rotate leadership on the basis of unity. In March 2024, the governing alliance between the CPN (Maoist Centre) and the Nepali Congress collapsed, leading the CPN (Maoist Centre) and the CPN-UML to once again form a new governing coalition. The CPN (Maoist Centre) stated that splits caused by differing positions with the CPN-UML only weakened both parties. It is evident that Nepalese Left parties have gradually recognized the importance of strengthening unity. However, whether they can transcend the barriers of sectarianism, jointly build a path of national unity and development, and maintain harmonious political stability remains a major test for the CPN (Maoist Centre) and the CPN-UML.
(3) Effectively Responding to the Containment by Right-wing and Religious Extremist Forces Currently, the CPB and CPP shoulder the arduous task of opposing both bourgeois regimes and religious extremism while establishing a socialist identity within Islamic states. As class contradictions in Bangladesh continue to heat up, the CPB believes that only through a "revolutionary democratic transformation"—promoting anti-imperialist, progressive, and revolutionary alternative policy propositions to the people and gradually reclaiming power from the ruling elite—can they overthrow the existing capitalist system. This would allow the Left united forces led by the Party to seize state power and gain the people's trust, thereby creating the prerequisites for realizing socialism. To weaken the influence of religious forces, the CPP advocates for adhering to the path of people's democracy, uniting political parties, organizations, and trade unions to establish a united front composed of all secular forces in Pakistan. Their goal is to improve the welfare of the broad masses, marginalized strata, and oppressed nationalities, thereby advancing the socialist revolution. Against the backdrop of a rightward political shift, cooperation between the CPI and CPI(M) is necessitated both by the current struggle and the need to revitalize the Indian communist movement. However, long-standing differences in political positions and interest demands have consistently hindered their unity. Therefore, while maintaining their independence, continuing cooperation through mechanisms such as the Left Front and the Left Democratic Front to further expand space for external engagement remains the primary way for the Indian Left to respond to the "Saffron Wave" [5] while striving for the discourse power of Marxist parties.
(4) Resisting Intervention by External Forces In the current context, external forces use various means to further compress the survival space of South Asian Communist Parties. As an important force in South Asian countries for struggling against the bourgeoisie and protecting the interests of the laboring people, the CPSAs' response to external intervention usually involves multiple levels, requiring comprehensive strategies across political, economic, social, and cultural dimensions. The core demand of U.S. and Indian intervention in Nepal is to control the political situation while counterbalancing China's influence. Under U.S. pressure, the CPN (Maoist Centre) and the CPN (Unified Socialist) expressed support for the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) [6] agreement, which contradicts the consistently friendly stance toward China held by Nepalese Left parties like the CPN (Maoist Centre) and CPN-UML. Therefore, Nepalese Left parties need to further strengthen exchange and cooperation with Communist and Workers' Parties worldwide, including the Communist Party of China, to effectively safeguard and promote the stable development of China-Nepal relations. Today, Sri Lankan Left parties are in a "new revolution" stage; both the traditional and New Left need to use the crisis to systematically explain the inherent contradictions of the capitalist system and formulate a scientific, de-capitalized new economic strategy that benefits the country and the people. Furthermore, proposing feasible policy programs and mobilizing the Sri Lankan people to participate in the wave of the socialist movement is an effective path to gaining public support, emotional identification, and demonstrating future governing capacity to the people.
Conclusion Against the backdrop of the changes unseen in a century, although world socialism remains generally at a low ebb, the trend of the "East rising and the West declining" is becoming increasingly apparent, and the neoliberal system is deeply mired in cyclical and systemic crises. As an important force in the international communist movement, the South Asian Communist Parties actively explore paths of socialist development suited to their national conditions, dealing an increasingly strong blow to the South Asian capitalist system. However, the South Asian communist movement still faces various risks and challenges. Looking ahead, the Communist Parties of South Asian countries will maintain their firm faith in Marxism and their conviction in the ultimate victory of socialism, seizing the opportunities provided by the great changes unseen in a century to promote the continued development of the South Asian communist movement.