Hua Bin and Tang Haijun: An Analysis of the Logical Mechanism of the Survival and Development of Contemporary Foreign Communist Parties
The Communist Party is the advanced political party of the contemporary world and a major political force on the international stage since the onset of the modern era. For a long time, they have diligently and unremittingly strived to change the old world and build a new one, making significant contributions to the developmental process of human society. Since the beginning of the 21st century, what has been the overall condition of foreign Communist Parties? What face do they present within the current world socialist movement? How should we view the future of foreign Communist Parties and the world socialist movement? These are precisely the questions this article intends to answer and elaborate upon in a targeted manner.
I. The Realistic Situation of Foreign Communist Parties
Communist Parties are proletarian revolutionary parties guided by Marxism-Leninism or scientific socialism, with the realization of socialism and communism as their value pursuit and objective of action. Most are named "Communist Party," while others are expressed through different names, such as the Lao People's Revolutionary Party (LPRP), the All India Forward Bloc, the Progressive Party of Working People of Cyprus (AKEL), and the Workers' Party of Belgium (PTB), etc. (hereinafter collectively referred to as Communist Parties). After the drastic changes in Eastern Europe and the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the international communist movement fell into a low ebb, facing a severe test of which path to take. Due to the "long-standing difficulty in overcoming the impact of the changes in Eastern Europe," foreign Communist Parties have been in unprecedented straits and challenges. Their number dropped from over 180 before the changes to over 120 at the beginning of the 21st century; during the same period, the number of party members plummeted from over 40 million to just over 11 million, reaching approximately 14 million around 2009—a situation showing a simultaneous decline in both metrics.
It should be observed that after a special period of upheaval and testing, most foreign Communist Parties are currently emerging from the trough of the international communist movement. Generally, they have secured their footing and their circumstances have improved, though the differences between individual parties remain distinct.
First, the number of Communist Parties is considerable, but their distribution is extremely uneven, and their levels of activity vary. According to incomplete statistics from the International Department of the CPC Central Committee, there are currently about 200 Communist Parties worldwide, distributed across roughly 90 countries and regions. There are more than 20 "centenary parties" (over a hundred years old), such as those in India, Japan, France, Spain, South Africa, and Brazil. Among these, nearly 130 are relatively active, while over 70 are less active and exhibit greater volatility. Currently, 112 countries and regions still have no Communist Party, and in countries such as Indonesia, Thailand, Malaysia, Poland, Romania, and Albania, Communist Parties are prohibited from existing. By region, the number of Communist Parties in Asia, Europe, South America, North America, Africa, and Oceania is 62, 62, 31, 23, 20, and 4, respectively. In many countries, two or more Communist Parties coexist, such as in India, Nepal, Russia, Italy, and Belgium. From the above, it can be seen that although the total volume of Communist Parties worldwide is not small, the significance of these numbers is relative. Many parties possess only statistical significance because their role in national politics is merely symbolic, with few members and little achievement.
Second, the number of members varies greatly among different Communist Parties; most non-ruling Communist Parties have relatively few members. Again, according to data from the International Department of the CPC Central Committee, there are currently about 20 million members of foreign Communist Parties. While the total is not small and ranks high among the world's various political parties, the distribution is very unbalanced across regions. Specifically: 1. There is a large gap between membership in socialist countries and capitalist countries. Excluding China, Communist Parties in current socialist countries have about 12.5 million members, firmly accounting for half of the total, while the total membership of the nearly 200 Communist Parties in capitalist countries is only close to 8 million. 2. There are large differences between regions. Asia has the largest number of Communist Party members; excluding China, the top ten parties alone have more than 16 million members, while all other continents combined have only more than 3 million, with Europe and Latin America each having more than 1 million. In Latin America, the Communist Party of Brazil (PCdoB) alone has 410,000 members, while Oceania has only a few hundred. 3. There is a large difference between developing and developed countries. In developing countries, even excluding the parties in socialist countries, the total number of members far exceeds those in developed countries. In capitalist developing countries, the total number of members is approximately 7 million, while in developed countries it is about 1 million, with the Communist Party of Japan (JCP) having the most at 270,000 members. 4. There are few large parties; small and medium-sized parties make up the majority. Among foreign Communist Parties, only four have more than 1 million members, four have between 500,000 and 1 million, and eight have between 100,000 and 500,000. If we define a "large party" as having more than 10,000 members, there are only 49; the remaining 150-plus parties have fewer than 10,000 members, with many having fewer than 1,000 or even around 100. It can be said that small membership is one of the widespread problems currently facing most non-ruling foreign Communist Parties.
Third, the political status of Communist Parties within their own countries varies immensely, with the majority occupying a legal margin. It can be said that the political status of a foreign Communist Party in its own country is the most fundamental indicator of its role and influence, and an important basis for evaluating the state of the world socialist movement. Examining the current status of foreign Communist Parties reveals the following characteristics: 1. Very few are national ruling parties. For a Communist Party in a multi-party system to rule nationally, it generally needs the support of more than half of the voters, which is extremely difficult under the capitalist system. Aside from the four socialist countries (Vietnam, North Korea, Laos, and Cuba) where the Communist Party is in a regular ruling position, only the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist) (CPN-UML) is currently ruling at the national level. Since the 21st century, the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Centre) (CPN-MC), AKEL, and the Party of Communists of the Republic of Moldova (PCRM) have each ruled their respective countries for a number of years. 2. Only a handful of parties participate in government at the national level. There are currently only about 10, including the People's United Front of Sri Lanka, the PCdoB, the Communist Party of Chile (PCCh), the Communist Party of Belarus, the Communist Party of Spain (PCE), the Bulgarian Communist Party, and the South African Communist Party (SACP). However, this situation is mostly the result of large ruling left-wing parties forming governing coalitions with Communist Parties to obtain a parliamentary majority. 3. Parties ruling at the local level are also very limited. Ruling at the local level is a criterion for measuring the mass base of foreign Communist Parties, as it requires the support of the local majority. Currently, only about 10 parties rule locally, including the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI[M]), the Communist Party of India (CPI), the Workers' Party of Turkey, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (KPRF), the French Communist Party (PCF), the Portuguese Communist Party (PCP), the Communist Party of Austria, and the Communist Party of Peru; as for India, the states ruled by the two Communist Parties have decreased from three to one. 4. Slightly more parties hold seats in national or local municipal legislatures. This is currently the case for more than 40 parties, including AKEL, the JCP, the Labor Party of Mexico, and the Communist Party of Ecuador. The other 100-plus Communist Parties have gained essentially nothing in various elections, and some have never even won a single seat, illustrating their extreme marginalization. 5. Some parties serve as important domestic opposition forces. In a multi-party environment, opposition parties are also significant forces. Currently, at least the CPN-MC, AKEL, and the KPRF are the largest opposition parties in their respective countries, holding 32 seats in the House of Representatives, 15 seats, and 57 seats in the Duma, respectively. In addition, more than 10 Communist Parties worldwide remain illegal, such as the Communist Party of Pakistan and the Communist Party of Ukraine.
II. Common Characteristics of Foreign Communist Parties
The above review of the general situation of foreign Communist Parties reveals their current survival and development circumstances. To be sure, while there are many foreign Communist Parties and their internal and external environments vary enormously—with complex positions, activities, and tasks—the logical mechanism by which most parties are moving from a trough toward stabilization has clearly emerged. Taken together, foreign Communist Parties exhibit the following common characteristics.
(1) Upholding the Marxist or Scientific Socialist Stand
Despite the fact that during and after the period of the changes in Eastern Europe and the dissolution of the Soviet Union, about one-third of the world’s Communist Parties abandoned Marxist guiding ideology and the goal of struggling for socialism—changing their names or ceasing activities—those that remained and those later established continue to insist on the guiding role of Marxism or scientific socialism. They hold high the banner of socialism, resolutely struggle against wavering and separatist forces within their parties, and fight against all anti-communist and anti-socialist forces at home and abroad, firmly believing that "the vitality of Marxism is beyond doubt" and that "only Marxism can bring us liberation." Nguyen Phu Trong, then General Secretary of the Communist Party of Vietnam (CPV), stated in his address to the 2022 CPC and World Marxist Political Parties Forum: "Marxism-Leninism remains the primary decisive factor for the achievements of socialist countries, the new development of the world's Communist and Workers' Parties, and the efforts of all parties to promote peace, friendship, cooperation, and development, and to seek solutions to the difficulties and challenges facing the world today." The speech by Vojtěch Filip, Chairman of the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia, at the 2018 symposium commemorating the 200th anniversary of Marx's birth, represents the aspirations of many Communists. He emphasized: "Marx's thought remains a tool for human society to eliminate exploitation and achieve self-emancipation, proving the necessity of building socialist states." It should be seen that even in unfavorable environments, Communist Parties in socialist countries persist in strengthening ideological building [1], remain unwavering in their revolutionary guiding ideology, uphold the leadership of the Communist Party and the existing social system, and persist in carrying out socialist revolution and construction. For example, Raúl Castro, leader of the Communist Party of Cuba (PCC), emphasized: "Only by always adhering to the socialist system and the leadership of the Communist Party of Cuba can Cuba be spared from 'disintegration and defeat'." Communist Parties in many European countries also continue to hold their Marxist ideological ground in the face of adversity. For example, the Communist Party of Greece (KKE) emphasizes the need to steadfastly uphold Marxist-Leninist ideology, while the PCF and the Communist Refoundation Party of Italy have expressed a desire to return to Marx. For most foreign Communist Parties, holding high the banner and establishing a direction has stabilized the "heart of the party" and built confidence for holding their ground.
It is worth noting that under the new situation, many Communist Parties, while adhering to Marxist positions and viewpoints, also attach importance to the innovative development of Marxism. For instance, the ruling parties of Vietnam, Laos, and Cuba are committed to promoting the Sinicization and modernization [2] of Marxism or scientific socialism. Based on enriching and sublimating the thoughts and theories of their respective founding leaders into guiding ideologies, these three parties further advance the innovation of socialist theory. For example, the CPV has successively proposed the theory of a socialist-oriented market economy and the idea of a socialist state based on the rule of law [3], aiming to solve new situations and problems arising under the conditions of Doi Moi (Renovation) [4] and opening up. It must be recognized that some Communist Parties in developing countries are also striving to move beyond dogmatic and bookish understandings of Marxism. Parties such as the PCdoB, AKEL, CPI(M), and the Kurdistan Communist Party of Iraq emphasize that "Marxism has a profound critical and anti-dogmatic scientific essence; it is a theory that is constantly enriched and developed in the process of history." It is not a rigid ideology but a profoundly creative science that should be developed and updated along with economic, political, and social progress. In short, under the guidance of inheriting and innovating Marxist thinking, Communist Parties in many countries are committed to exploring socialist paths with localized and contemporary characteristics, conducting theoretical and practical activities with their own distinctive features.
(2) Exploring the Diversity of Socialist Paths
It is noteworthy that since the 21st century, in the process of reflecting on and summarizing the lessons from the drastic changes in Eastern Europe and the dissolution of the Soviet Union, many foreign Communist Parties have accelerated the process of exploring paths to socialism with their own distinct characteristics. For example, the Communist Parties of Vietnam and Laos have deepened their exploration of socialist theory and practice, advancing "Renovation" (革新) [5] in the political, economic, and social spheres. In particular, the Communist Party of Vietnam (CPV) proposed and implemented a three-stage strategic plan to advance national modernization, aiming to enter the ranks of high-income developed countries by 2045 (the centenary of the country’s founding), thereby pushing socialist construction into a new stage. In Cuba, the Communist Party (PCC) initiated the process of "updating" the socialist economic model after Raúl Castro took office. Especially since Miguel Díaz-Canel took over, and marked by the Party's 8th Congress, this process has moved into "deep water" [6]. This involves adjusting the economic management system, promoting the unification of exchange rates, following up with reforms in wages, prices, and taxes, and expanding the pace of opening up.
Simultaneously, many Communist Parties in capitalist countries are striving to explore new forms of struggle and developmental paths. At its 18th Congress in 2009, the Communist Party of Spain (PCE) proposed the concept of "Socialism for the 21st Century" as an innovation of its previous "Eurocommunism" strategy, serving as a new theoretical banner for the party’s current exploration of how to transition from "real-existing" capitalism to future communism. Strategically, it has expanded its influence by building alliance and cooperation platforms with the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) and the Podemos party, promoting the implementation of some of its own policy proposals. The Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI(M)), drawing lessons from its loss of power in West Bengal and Tripura, launched the "People’s Plan" in Kerala (where it still governs). This plan involves advancing land reform, implementing decentralization, and promoting grassroots autonomy in villages, thereby innovating the forms through which the people act as masters of the country. This has enhanced the party's political prestige in the state, leading to victories in the 2016 and 2021 state elections and continued governance. Communist Parties in Latin American countries have also pushed for diverse explorations of their own paths under the influence of the "21st Century Socialism in Latin America" wave. For instance, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), an armed organization formerly affiliated with the Communist Party of Colombia, laid down its arms based on a 1984 peace agreement and signed another peace agreement with the government in 2016, completely renouncing armed struggle and irreversibly embarking on a parliamentary path. Guided by the slogan "Marxism + Brazil," the Communist Party of Brazil (PCdoB) proposed a "New Brazilian Path of Democracy, Independence, Development, and Social Progress" in 2017. Leveraging the current favorable conditions of left-wing governance, the party works to promote social equity in Brazil and urges the government to introduce policy measures that partially fulfill socialist objectives.
(3) Critiquing the Capitalist System and Its Maladies
It can be said that the spirit of critique and even a position of negation toward capitalism have long been distinctive traits of foreign Communist Parties. While strongly criticizing the capitalist system and its maladies, they have proposed alternative conceptions for solving a series of issues. This can be demonstrated through three logically progressive dimensions:
First is the historical judgment of capitalism. Foreign Communist Parties all strongly deny the "eternality" of capitalism, arguing that capitalism is not the final stage of human social development, not the "end of history," and not the final solution—much less does it represent the future of human society. The exploitative nature of capitalism determines the disharmony and unsustainability of its development. Charalambos Chrysostomou, a leader of the Progressive Party of Working People (AKEL) in Cyprus, emphasized that in its long process of development, capitalism has achieved economic growth through irrational, unrestrained, and immoral means. Shaaban, General Secretary of the Egyptian Socialist Party, stated at the 2022 Forum on the CPC and World Marxist Political Parties that Francis Fukuyama’s "unscientific 'prophecy'" regarding the end of history committed a "fatal error." In recent decades, neoliberalism, as the contemporary manifestation of capitalism, has largely lost its political legitimacy. The Communist Party of Britain (CPB) emphasized at the 2021 International Meeting of Communist and Workers' Parties that "the pandemic further proved that capitalism is unwilling or unable to meet people's basic needs during a general crisis." Fuwa Tetsuzo, former leader of the Japanese Communist Party (JCP), stated even more explicitly that "capitalism has entered a profound crisis of its political and economic system, and an era has arrived which questions whether capitalism even has the right to exist."
Second is a profound understanding of the internal contradictions, crises, and hazards of capitalism. The Communist Parties of several major developing countries—South Africa, India (Marxist), India, and Brazil—have successively emphasized in their recent congress reports that capitalism is incapable of resolving its internal contradictions. Its structural problems are deepening, and the over-accumulation of capital is leading to new capitalist crises, with the 2008 financial crisis being a typical manifestation. They believe capitalism currently faces a fourfold crisis: the health crisis triggered by COVID-19, the economic crisis, the crisis of social reproduction, and the climate change crisis. Unless the current crisis is resolved from the root of production and reproduction, it will be impossible to overcome the fundamental contradiction between the socialization of production and the capitalist private appropriation of the means of production. Many Communist Parties in Western countries have expressed similar views, arguing that the assault of capital is intensifying, and that capitalist development relies on environmental destruction and the sacrifice of human society, bringing about war and a massive gap between the rich and the poor. For example, the Communist Party USA (CPUSA) recently stated that "the country is in the midst of a profound systemic crisis of capitalism."
Third is the firm belief that the future of capitalism is socialism. Marxism holds that, according to the laws of social evolution, because capitalism cannot provide a solution for deepening social contradictions, its replacement by socialism is an inevitability. The CPB proposed the proposition that "capitalism is the problem, socialism is the solution." So, where is the way out? Sitaram Yechury, General Secretary of the CPI(M), provided the answer. In a recent article, he stated: "Socialism is the only choice that can ensure the true and total liberation of humanity," and we "should maintain full confidence in its future development." Documents from the Communist Party of Greece (KKE) in 2004 also firmly maintained that for socialists, "'another world is possible,' but this world can only be socialism." The party even stated in its revised 2013 Constitution that the material conditions for socialism are already ripe, and the party’s primary task is to prepare the subjective conditions for a socialist revolution. Of course, whether the KKE’s judgment regarding the revolutionary situation is accurate is a matter open to discussion.
(4) Limited Resistance in Real-world Politics
Admittedly, while Communist Parties in socialist countries have been dedicated to strengthening their national political, economic, and social construction—enhancing the reach and influence of their domestic and foreign policies and continuously demonstrating institutional vitality—non-governing Communist Parties in capitalist countries, acting as the opposition to the existing system, mostly criticize and resist their domestic social realities, government policies, and the performance of those in power. They do this to attract the lower-middle classes and progressive organizations, thereby increasing their social influence.
For instance, the CPI(M) and the CPI recently blasted the Modi government for implementing neoliberal policies and forcefully pushing series of reforms in investment, currency, labor markets, and agriculture, increasing the degree of privatization and seriously harming the interests of laborers. During the European debt crisis, the KKE strongly criticized the PASOK government for succumbing to the "Troika" and signing "humiliating treaties," even initiating mass movements calling for the overthrow of the current government, withdrawal from the EU, and unilateral cancellation of debt, demonstrating a certain degree of influence during the protests. In fact, during the COVID-19 pandemic, many Communist Parties questioned and attacked their governments' prevention and response policies, stating that under the profit-driven orientation of a market economy, governments failed to provide the medical, health, and other public services required by society. This led to many vulnerable groups lacking medicine and even losing their lives, exposing the severe flaws of the capitalist system. For example, the PCdoB severely criticized the Bolsonaro government for its ineffective pandemic response, alleging that it relaxed or even failed to regulate the pandemic for the sake of capital interests, harming the physical and mental health—and even the lives—of workers.
In terms of action, many foreign Communist Parties mobilize and organize the masses and manifest their influence through "protest politics." Since the turn of the century and into the 21st century, Communist Parties in many European and Latin American countries have participated in or organized a series of social movements against existing governments, including anti-globalization movements, anti-neoliberal policy struggles, and anti-austerity protests. Left-wing forces such as the French Communist Party (PCF) are currently active in protest movements against the Macron government's pension reforms to express dissatisfaction with social policy. However, it must also be recognized that because most Communist Parties in capitalist countries currently have limited strength, it is difficult or even impossible for them to engage in the kind of intense struggle against the current system seen many years ago. Instead, they mostly carry out a sort of "weak resistance," which is particularly evident among West European Communist Parties.
(5) Persistence in the Cause of Social Justice and Human Progress
A survey of history shows that, driven by their own tenets and goals, foreign Communist Parties have long struggled and fought for the cause of social progress in their respective countries. In recent decades, their efforts in this regard have been manifested mainly in three ways:
First, acting as steadfast defenders of the cause of justice and equality. Even under extremely difficult national conditions, the PCC continues to implement free education and healthcare policies, providing the broad masses with a strong sense of well-being. AKEL, currently the largest opposition party in Cyprus, strongly emphasizes protecting the working class's right to work, pushing for collective bargaining and agreement systems, assisting vulnerable social groups, protecting the unemployed, and reshaping the welfare society. The important role of the South African Communist Party (SACP) within the governing alliance is reflected in maintaining a basic balance between efficiency and justice, particularly in correcting certain pro-capital orientations and behaviors of the African National Congress (ANC). In the context of the ANC forming a coalition government with the Democratic Alliance (DA) [7] after the 2024 general election, the SACP resolutely announced it would participate in the next general election independently; the Tripartite Alliance that has lasted for over 20 years is on the verge of dissolution.
Second, acting as faithful maintainers of the interests of laborers. Without a doubt, Communist Parties are the political parties that most serve and seek benefits for the broad masses. Governing parties in countries such as Vietnam, the DPRK, Laos, and Cuba consistently take improving people’s well-being and safeguarding their fundamental rights as their core purpose, dedicating themselves to raising living standards. For example, through Reform and Opening-up policies, the CPV has significantly boosted national strength; Vietnam's per capita income in 2020 increased more than 17-fold compared to 1986, and the impoverished population decreased to 5 million. During the period when the Party of Communists of the Republic of Moldova (PCRM) governed, the average life expectancy of its residents increased from 67.6 years before they took power to 69.4 years, and the birth rate exceeded the death rate for the first time. Since the 21st century, many Communist Parties in capitalist countries have launched social movements to defend the economic and social interests of their national working classes. For instance, progressive forces like the Portuguese Communist Party (PCP) helped launch a national general strike involving 3 million people in 2010 to oppose government austerity policies and maintain existing welfare. Since 1999, the SACP has organized the "Red October Campaign" for decades, focusing on solving practical problems for the laboring masses, such as making the women’s movement a priority issue in 2021.
Third, always acting as active promoters and guardians of the cause of human progress. The progressivism of Communist Parties is consistent. Most foreign Communist Parties have long maintained correct positions on major national political and historical issues, projecting an image of justice. For example, the JCP has played a certain role in checking the reactionary nature of Japan's right-wing conservative forces. The party remains dedicated to defending the Peace Constitution, opposing the LDP government’s push for constitutional revision, opposing the expansion of Japan's military power and the dispatch of troops overseas, and urging the government to reflect on its history of aggression. It has maintained a principled stance on issues such as visits to the Yasukuni Shrine, the Nanjing Massacre, and "comfort women." Similarly, on issues of maintaining secularism and the Non-Aligned Movement, the CPI(M) and CPI have questioned and criticized the Modi government’s recent advancement of Hindutva (Hindu nationalism), its leaning toward the United States, and its participation in the "Quad" (Quadrilateral Security Dialogue) mechanism, arguing these actions contravene India’s national policy. On the international stage, most foreign Communist Parties consistently project an image of upholding justice and fairness, persisting in the struggle against hegemonism and power politics and for world peace and stability. For example, they support the just struggle of the Palestinian people and strongly condemn Israel’s current atrocities against Palestinian civilians in Gaza; they have conducted anti-war activities globally to oppose the Iraq War launched by the George W. Bush administration; and they have opposed the long-term US blockade and sanctions against Cuba through international seminars, demonstrations, and collective joint statements. During the COVID-19 pandemic, the SACP, CP-RF (Russia), CPI(M), CPI, PCdoB, and the Labour Party of Turkey (EMEP), standing on the heights of safeguarding the lives and health of the masses, strongly called for the international community to unite, set aside ideological and systemic differences, and advance global anti-pandemic cooperation. They particularly condemned the stigmatization of specific countries by the US and Western nations regarding the origins of the virus and the act of "passing the buck" (甩锅) to shift responsibility for their own ineffective pandemic responses.
(6) Consciously Strengthening Party Building
It should be observed that the importance the Communist Party attaches to its own building stems from a conscious ideological awareness, something other types of political parties lack to varying degrees. Since the end of the Cold War, and particularly since the 21st century, faced with a situation where the international communist movement is at a low ebb, many foreign Communist Parties have implemented measures and exerted great effort in strengthening Party building to compensate for their lack of objective strength. In addition to the aforementioned strengthening of ideological building, they also emphasize the development of the Party's leadership system, organizational mobilization capacity, integrity, and discipline.
Regarding leadership systems, ruling parties in socialist countries focus on strengthening the authority of the Party Central Committee and the role of the leader to smoothly advance the cause of national reform and development during critical periods. For instance, in the latter part of Nguyen Phu Trong's administration, the Communist Party of Vietnam gradually shifted from the "four-horse carriage" [8] power structure—where the General Secretary, State President, Prime Minister, and Chairperson of the National Assembly moved in tandem—toward a centralized leadership system centered on the General Secretary. The situation for non-ruling Communist Parties varies; some continue to maintain a core leader system to ensure comprehensive control over the Party by the top leadership. For example, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the Party of Communists of the Republic of Moldova, and the Colombian Communist Party have been under the leadership of Zyuganov, Voronin, and Caicedo, respectively, for nearly twenty years. Other parties are committed to strengthening the collective leadership of the Party hierarchy. For example, the 23rd Congress of the Workers' Party of Belgium (PTB/PVDA) emphasized that the party is a united and unified party based on the principle of democratic centralism [9], and that it must continuously strengthen intra-Party democracy under the premise of maintaining the unified leadership of the Party Central Committee.
In terms of organizational building, efforts are mainly reflected in increasing the number of members, focusing on the training of Party cadres, strengthening primary-level organizations, and maintaining close ties between the Party and the masses. Many non-ruling Communist Parties regard expanding membership and injecting "fresh blood" as vital tasks. For example, through sustained and effective recruitment, the Workers' Party of Belgium has grown from approximately 700 members at its founding in the late 1970s to over 8,000 in recent years. Since the end of the Cold War, the membership of the Communist Party USA hovered around 5,000, but following recent development efforts, it has exceeded 10,000. In recent years, several parties have strengthened the ideological, political, and disciplinary education of cadres, as well as job skills training, by restoring or establishing new Party schools to help them improve their comprehensive quality and ability to handle social changes. For example, the South African Communist Party, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, and the French Communist Party use Party school resources to cultivate cadres and educate members, especially new ones.
Regarding integrity and discipline, the Communist Party of Vietnam has increasingly felt the danger that bureaucracy and the crisis of corruption pose to the Party. In recent years, it has significantly increased the intensity of punishment for relevant behaviors. Between 2012 and 2022, it handled nearly 168,000 members for disciplinary violations, including approximately 170 senior cadres (among them four members of the Politburo), in order to combat the Party's "self-evolution" and "self-transformation" [10]. For many non-ruling Communist Parties, the primary issue is not corruption but lax discipline; for example, the Party of Communists of the Republic of Moldova has sanctioned or even expelled several leaders for violating the Party's political discipline over the past decade. More parties emphasize the moral cultivation of their members; for instance, the Communist Party of Chile promulgated the "Code of Ethical Conduct of the Communist Party of Chile" in 2010, listing 12 norms of behavior that members should follow.
As for the issue of maintaining close ties between the Party and the masses [11], both ruling and non-ruling Communist Parties attach great importance to this and have proactively formulated many policies. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of Cuba clearly stipulates that every member of the Central Politburo must lead an inspection team to local areas at least six times a year, four of which must go deep into the primary level; leadership cadres at all levels of the Party and government have no "special supplies" [12] and must likewise use ration coupons to line up at state-owned stores to purchase food and goods. In terms of dedication, within the multi-party environment of Western countries, compared to other political parties, the cadres and members of Communist Parties are the most sincere and selfless in their dedication to the Party's cause. For example, some veteran members of the Japanese Communist Party have voluntarily delivered the Party newspaper, Akahata (Red Flag), to subscribers for decades. Around the turn of the century, Aleka Papariga, General Secretary of the Communist Party of Greece and leader of the country's third-largest party, frequently appeared in the media; however, most of her salary as a Member of Parliament was donated to the Party. Lacking decent formal clothing, when Party comrades and sympathizers found out, they contributed funds or donated clothes to help her through her "difficulties." Such examples are not uncommon among foreign Communist Parties; the selfless dedication of these members stems precisely from their loyal faith in the Party's cause.
III. Developmental Prospects for Foreign Communist Parties and the World Socialist Movement
Analyzing the status, role, and political concepts of foreign Communist Parties provides important reference significance for us to determine our policies and strategies toward them, and to evaluate and predict development trends in the world socialist movement.
First, from the perspective of political maneuvering, Communist Parties in various countries are a political force that cannot be ignored on both the national and international stages, playing an important role in the historical process of promoting human social progress. Although the strength of foreign Communist Parties is relatively small compared to the balance of various political forces in most countries, they dare to speak for justice and uphold fairness. They remain committed to opposing capitalism, hegemonism, extremism, and various evil forces, constituting a force that is difficult for other political forces to replace. Wherever there is exploitation and oppression, there is resistance and defiance, and thus the soil for the survival and growth of socialism. It is the sacred duty of contemporary communists to struggle against the old, unjust, and unequal international economic and political order. Although anti-communist and anti-socialist forces are currently very strong in many countries—even prohibiting the establishment and development of Communist Parties—socialist ideology has not, and cannot, be extinguished because of this. Since the end of the 20th century and into the 21st century, in many countries, Communist Parties and socialist forces not bearing the "Communist" name have continued to "spring up like bamboo shoots after rain" [13] and grow stronger, serving as an important long-term force against capitalism and a reliable force for safeguarding the basic rights and interests of the laboring masses. Communist Parties in socialist countries have, to a considerable extent, changed the fate of their countries, nations, and peoples, demonstrating a vigorous and spirited posture on the international stage. It must also be seen that in many capitalist countries, the acquisition of many political, economic, and social rights by the lower and middle classes is closely related to the long-term struggle of their national Communist Parties and various left-wing progressive forces.
Second, from the perspective of building a united front against hegemonism, foreign Communist Parties are natural allies of the Communist Party of China (CPC) and are important forces we should actively strive to win over in international political struggles. Foreign Communist Parties are all advanced organizations of the working class guided by Marxism or scientific socialism; they share the same roots and origins, similar concepts, and identical pursuits as the CPC. They are members of the same world socialist family and are comrades-in-arms in the same trench, resisting and countering all anti-communist and anti-socialist forces in the world. Today, the world is undergoing "profound changes unseen in a century" [14]; the US-led West is continuously "building yards and raising walls" [15] and engaging in "small circles" [16], attempting to pull together so-called "like-minded" parties by building "democratic alliances," and using the "democracy versus authoritarianism" narrative to isolate and smear socialist countries like China, stirring up new bloc confrontations in the midst of sharp and complex international political struggles. Faced with this situation, we must never fall into the traps and snares of the US-led West, nor do we need to "dance to their tune" by launching a new Cold War. However, it is indeed necessary to unite all forces that can be united to expose and break their plot to incite institutional and bloc confrontation. In this regard, foreign Communist Parties are an important pillar for international progressive forces to build a united front against US hegemonism and are reliable friends we should prioritize uniting with.
Third, from the perspective of international regional coordination and cooperation, the alliance between Communist Parties of various countries is an important guarantee for promoting the world socialist movement, but we must also specifically analyze and judge the actual possibilities of current unity. Admittedly, the cause of communism is the common cause of all communists in the world, and the development of this cause depends on the solidarity, sincere cooperation, and joint efforts of communists in all countries. On the whole, in the large family composed of the world's Communist Parties today, solidarity and cooperation are indeed the mainstream. However, it must also be noted that the political concepts and action programs of various Communist Parties are not uniform or in lockstep; rather, they have distinct characteristics and complex circumstances. Among them, various forms of sectarianism inevitably arise, such as continuous ideological disputes, complex organizational factions, and different parties refusing to acknowledge or yield to one another. There are not only internal quarrels but also open polemics, all of which affect the solidarity and cooperation among the world's communists to a certain extent. According to leaders of the Italian Communist Party, in recent years, the European Communist movement has in fact split into three forces: reformers, traditionalists, and moderates. Within the platform of the International Meeting of Communist and Workers' Parties (IMCWP), participants have also branched into several unstable factions due to different positions or opinions on many theoretical and practical issues. Regarding the understanding of certain major international issues, the views within Communist Parties are not consistent, and obvious differences even exist. For example, regarding the nature of the Ukraine crisis, some parties believe it is a war between the US and Russia for control of the world market; some emphasize that the root of the conflict is the West's attempt to divert the crisis of capitalism; and others believe that monopoly capital is the hidden hand driving the conflict. Such differing positions and viewpoints naturally affect the action strategies of various Communist Parties and also constrain the effectiveness of their exchange, communication, and coordination to a certain extent. Under these circumstances, the CPC, as the world's largest Marxist party, can strengthen political guidance, enhance communication and coordination, and promote international unity.
Fourth, from the perspective of institutional comparison, new changes favorable to socialism have emerged in the current competition between socialism and capitalism. However, the basic pattern of "strong capitalism, weak socialism" will not undergo a fundamental change in the foreseeable future, and the road to the future revitalization of the world socialist movement remains long. The "Resolution of the CPC Central Committee on the Major Achievements and Historical Experience of the Party's Centenary Effort," adopted at the Sixth Plenary Session of the 19th CPC Central Committee, pointed out: "A major shift favorable to socialism has occurred in the historical evolution and contest of the two ideologies and two social systems of socialism and capitalism worldwide." This is a major strategic judgment made by our Party against the backdrop of the "profound changes unseen in a century," which will inspire and encourage communists worldwide to explore socialism with confidence and courage. Since the 2008 international financial crisis, capitalism has clearly been on a downward slope; in contrast, the socialist movement in many countries has begun to show a trend of "stopping the fall and rebounding," with positive prospects. In the competition with capitalism, socialism has gradually broken out of the situation following the Cold War where it was completely on the defensive—at some times, in some places, and at some levels, they are even exchanging offenses and defenses. This is a new trend worth noting when observing and researching the relationship between the two systems. Of course, looking at the reality of current international political struggles, we should also objectively see that although the world socialist movement has emerged from its low point, it is overall still in a difficult stage of accumulating strength. The global pattern of "strong capitalism, weak socialism" has not changed, nor is it likely to change quickly. Anti-communist and anti-socialist forces remain quite powerful in capitalist countries, especially in Western developed capitalist countries, and the overall posture of "capitalism on the offensive, socialism on the defense" has not changed. Among non-ruling Communist Parties, problems such as small membership, an aging demographic structure, tight activity funds, low enthusiasm among members for participation, and continuous internal disputes are difficult to resolve in the short term. These subjective and objective factors will, to a certain extent, restrict the revitalization of Communist Parties in some countries. The revival of the world socialist movement still has a long way to go.
Generally speaking, most foreign Communist Parties have passed through the most difficult period following the drastic changes in Eastern Europe and the dissolution of the Soviet Union, basically managing to stabilize their foothold and develop for the better. The world socialist movement has left its previous nadir and begun a favorable process of recovery; the future prospects are bright. However, this process will not be smooth sailing; it can only be realized through a "spiral rise" amidst twists and turns—this is the dialectic of the development of things.