Andre, Zhao Dingqi: The History, Current Situation, and Future of the Danish Communist Movement—An Interview with Lotte Jutilut Madsen, Chair of the Communist Party (Denmark)
I. The History of the Danish Communist Movement ○ (Andre and Zhao Dingqi, hereafter the same) Chairwoman Lotte Utke Meidahl, hello. Could you introduce the history of the communist movement in Denmark? Under what background did the Danish communist movement emerge? What were its early activities? ● (Lotte Utke Meidahl, hereafter the same) In Denmark, the history of the organized communist movement can be traced back to 1919. It was born around the period of the First World War amidst a fierce struggle against the reformism of the Social Democratic Party of Denmark and the Second International. In 1916, Thorvald Stauning, the leader of the Danish Social Democrats, joined a bourgeois government. That same year, Lenin criticized him in his article "Ten 'Socialist' Ministers." [1] This event led the Social Democratic Youth League of Denmark to break with the party that same year. On November 9, 1919, several progressive members of the Youth League founded the Left Socialist Party of Denmark (Danmarks Venstresocialistiske Parti). The Socialist Labour Party (Socialistisk Arbejderparti) and the Independent Social Democracy (Det Uafhængige Socialdemokrati) subsequently merged into it. Immediately upon its founding, the Left Socialist Party had over 2,000 members. Although the party changed its name to the Communist Party of Denmark (Danmarks Kommunistiske Parti, DKP) the following year, "November 9, 1919" is still recognized as the official birth date of the DKP because its original purpose for establishment was closely linked to the Russian October Revolution and support for the Soviet Union. In 1920, the DKP joined the Communist International (Comintern). In the general election that year, the party won 3,859 votes, accounting for 0.4% of the total. During the 1920s, the DKP focused on organizing workers within trade unions and guiding them toward communism, but this process was fraught with challenges. Many Communists were elected as leaders in workplaces and unions. However, internal factional struggles and low voter support became difficult problems the party had to confront.
In the early 1930s, faced with the global crisis of capitalism, the DKP actively committed itself to improving the situation of the unemployed. At the same time, the party emphasized that during the implementation of the first Five-Year Plan in the Soviet Union, the working class and the cause of socialism had made significant progress. Through active engagement in the trade unions, the DKP established itself as a firm opposition force within the labor movement and became a force that could not be ignored in political life. In the elections of November 1932, two members of the DKP were successfully elected to the Danish Parliament (Folketing). By 1939, as the party celebrated its 20th anniversary, it had developed into a tightly organized political party with approximately 6,000 members. During that decade of global capitalist crisis, left-wing forces began to come to the fore. The DKP established its position on the Danish political stage; even as the crisis eased in the late 1930s, it was able to expand its support base among the masses. In the 1939 election, 40,893 people (2.4% of the total vote) voted for the DKP, which was the best result it achieved in its first 20 years. Furthermore, over 200 Danish Communists participated as volunteers in the Spanish Civil War from 1936 to 1939.
○ What activities did the DKP carry out during the Second World War? What contributions did it make to the victory of the anti-fascist war? ● On April 9, 1940, Denmark was occupied by Nazi Germany. Although the Danish government cooperated with the occupying forces, the DKP maintained its legal status and began to secretly establish an underground organization. On June 22, 1941, Germany launched its attack on the Soviet Union, and the Danish police immediately cracked down on the DKP. A few months later, the other parties in the Danish Parliament unanimously passed a law—one that violated the Danish Constitution—formally banning the activities of the DKP. The DKP was forced underground and began organizing resistance actions across the country to oppose the German occupation and the official cooperation with the occupying power. Communists initiated acts of sabotage against the railway system and Danish companies serving the occupying forces. Volunteers from the Spanish Civil War became leaders of the resistance and collaborated with other resistance organizations. Mass protests eventually led to the government's resignation on August 29, 1943, after which the German occupying forces took over control of Denmark. In September 1943, representatives from various major underground organizations formed the "Freedom Council" (Frihedsrådet) as a coordinating body for the resistance movement during the occupation. 1943 was the turning point for the resistance; because previously scattered protests and sabotage activities were now unified and coordinated, popular uprisings and strikes became extremely common. During the occupation of Denmark, the Freedom Council became Denmark's "quasi-government." It was established at the initiative of the Communist Party with the aim of uniting different groups of the population and national political forces to achieve the common goal of expelling the occupying forces. This was a concrete application of the strategy to build a broad People's Front [2] and alliance, as formulated at the Seventh World Congress of the Comintern in Moscow in 1935.
The key to Denmark's successful resistance against the Nazi German occupation lay in the implementation of the strategy to build a broad People's Front and alliance. Without the unity of the Danish resistance, Denmark would not have been able to become a member of the Allied nations in the Second World War. The DKP played a crucial role in this process. After the war, the DKP achieved unprecedented success in parliament and joined the liberation government in the summer of 1945. At the same time, the DKP entered into unification negotiations with the Social Democrats; however, the negotiations collapsed in August. Within the communist movement, these negotiations caused widespread controversy and resulted in missed potential opportunities—specifically, the failure to guide the anti-fascist struggle toward a genuine confrontation with the capitalist system. In the October 1945 elections, 12.5% of the electorate voted for the DKP, which gave the party 18 out of the 148 seats in the Danish Parliament.
○ What impact did the outbreak of the Cold War have on the development of the DKP? What was its developmental status during this stage? ● During the Cold War, Denmark's acceptance of the Marshall Plan and its submission to transatlantic imperialism both received the support of the Social Democrats. This led to an opposition campaign against the DKP, criticizing it for being "directed by the Soviet Union." Consequently, in the 1947 elections, the DKP lost several seats; nevertheless, it remained a force that could not be ignored in factories and various workplaces. This became particularly prominent in 1956 when the Social Democratic government intervened in collective bargaining. At that time, large-scale strikes broke out nationwide, and the largest protest demonstration in history was held at Christiansborg Palace Square. Thanks to opposition activities in trade unions and workplaces, the DKP was able to rise again. Almost simultaneously, fierce debates over ideological and theoretical foundations and political direction broke out within the party. The communist nature of the DKP was questioned by certain factions within the party. The 1956 Hungarian Uprising [3] influenced this internal struggle. At the 20th Party Congress held at the end of 1958, the DKP had a final showdown with these factions. The then-Chairman Aksel Larsen was expelled from the party; the following year, he led the establishment of the reformist Socialist People's Party (Socialistisk Folkeparti).
In the 1960 election, the DKP lost its seats in parliament, receiving only 1.1% of the vote. Despite this, the DKP's work in the labor field continued to make progress; the influence of Communists was especially significant among workers in shipyards, construction sites, and the printing industry. Additionally, the DKP won widespread trust within the trade unions. In the peace movement and the struggle against nuclear weapons, the DKP likewise played an active role. It was during this period that a debate known as the "Great Polemic" [4] broke out within the international communist movement, related to two important meetings held in Moscow in February and November–December 1960. These two meetings were intended to' unite the international communist movement and form a common strategy and policy. However, the meetings also exposed divisions within the communist movement, and the contradictions and split between the Communist Party of China and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union began to emerge. This split was also reflected in Denmark; during the 1960s, the DKP experienced several rifts. Organizations such as the Communist Working Circle (Kommunistisk Arbejdskreds), the Communist League (Marxist-Leninist) (Kommunistisk Forbund Marxister-Leninister), the Communist Labour League (Marxist-Leninist) (Kommunistisk Arbejderforbund Marxister Leninister), the Marxist-Leninist League (Marxistisk-Leninistisk Forbund), and the Communist Association (Marxist-Leninist) (Kommunistisk Sammenslutning Marxister-Leninister) were established one after another. These groups were collectively known as "Marxist-Leninist movement" organizations; they adhered to a line opposing revisionism [5] and established close ties with the Communist Party of China and the Party of Labour of Albania, yet their relationship with the DKP was extremely strained. Their members were very active in various movements and workplaces. By the end of the 1970s, most of these groups had disappeared. Some of these organizations merged to form the Communist Party of Denmark (Marxist-Leninist) (Danmarks Kommunistiske Parti Marxister-Leninister). This party remained very active throughout the 1980s and 1990s and was a primary organization for uniting various communist forces after the fall of the Berlin Wall. Outside of the communist movement, several other left-wing socialist, anarchist, Trotskyist, and other types of parties and groups also appeared during the same period.
From the late 1960s until 1991, the DKP remained the largest and most influential communist organization. However, its development was not always smooth, and struggles between different political lines occurred from time to time. The most important political struggles the DKP participated in during this period were the struggle against the Vietnam War, the struggle against Denmark joining the European Communities [6], and the 1980s struggle for peace and against rearmament. In 1973, with opposition to Denmark joining the European Communities (now the EU) as its core campaign issue, the DKP won 3.6% of the vote and 6 seats in the December elections. However, in the subsequent election of 1979, the DKP was eliminated from the Danish Parliament. Since 1979, no Communist has entered the Danish Parliament. Due to some internal disagreements and setbacks, internal party struggles broke out within the DKP in the mid-1980s.
○ What impact did the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the drastic changes in Eastern Europe have on the Danish communist movement? What was the background to the founding of the Communist Party (Denmark) (Kommunistisk Parti, KP)? What is the significance of its founding for the Danish communist movement?
After the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the drastic changes in Eastern Europe, the Communist Party of Denmark fell into a developmental crisis. Around 1991, the party lost more than half of its members, some of whom joined other political parties. Party Chairman Ole Sohn resigned and joined the Socialist People's Party. Some veteran leading members participated in initiating the Communist Forum (Kommunistisk Forum), which later evolved into the "Communist Party in Denmark" (Kommunistisk Parti i Danmark). Since the mid-1990s, the Danish communist movement was divided into three parties: the Communist Party of Denmark, the "Communist Party in Denmark," and the Communist Party of Denmark (Marxist-Leninist). However, none of these parties were able to fulfill the role of the vanguard of the working class.
The Communist Party of Denmark (Marxist-Leninist), established in 1978, played an increasingly important role during this period, especially after the internal liquidation of sectarianism from 1995 to 1997. During this liquidation, the party chairman was expelled and subsequently established the Communist Workers' Party (Arbejderpartiet Kommunisterne). The Communist Party of Denmark (Marxist-Leninist) then published a self-critical book titled 20 Years of Struggle for Socialism. Since the early 1990s, the Communist Party of Denmark (Marxist-Leninist) had already concluded that with the decline of socialism in Europe, the social basis for the fragmentation of the communist movement no longer existed. The challenges of capitalism and the dire situation facing the working class and the masses demanded that all communists unite, join a common communist party, and create a new, shared ideological-theoretical and political foundation for a communist party of the 21st century.
Close cooperation between left-wing groups, particularly synergistic efforts within the peace movement, paved the way for the development of relations between the Communist Party of Denmark (Marxist-Leninist) and the "Communist Party in Denmark." In 2004, the leadership of both parties jointly formed a unified working group, noting: "There is a solid foundation for the two parties to merge and establish a new communist party." Based on this consensus, the Communist Party of Denmark (Marxist-Leninist) dissolved in November 2006 and, together with a group of members from the "Communist Party in Denmark," jointly formed the Communist Party (Denmark). Despite achieving unity in theory and ideology, this merger failed to successfully unite the entirety of Denmark's communist forces.
However, the Communist Party (Denmark) firmly believes 그 its establishment effectively integrated two major factions within the Danish communist movement. Regarding this, I once made the following assessment: "We succeeded in achieving programmatic unity between two factions limited by historical conditions. In the current environment, with our eyes on our future mission, we have successfully constructed a common theoretical, ideological, and political foundation that transcends the past positional differences of these two factions."
II. The Theoretical Propositions of the Communist Party (Denmark) and the Current Status of the Danish Communist Movement
Q: Nineteen years have passed since the Communist Party (Denmark) was founded in 2006. What do you consider to be the primary challenges currently facing your party?
A: Against the current global backdrop of war, natural disasters, the climate crisis, and economic and political turbulence, the Danish communist movement must be examined within this macro-situation. To achieve fundamental transformation, the strategic goal of the Communist Party (Denmark) is to change the balance of power between the working class and the bourgeoisie, ensuring that the working class can occupy a dominant position. Rallying forces and reshaping the balance of power—this is the major mission we currently shoulder. In this process, establishing a popular alliance composed of all groups opposing monopoly capital is of vital importance. This anti-monopoly alliance is key because it directly targets the primary enemy—the forces of monopoly capital. Based on this, we have consciously formulated a strategy to unite the majority and are working at multiple levels to promote unity. This includes uniting the working class to strive for its common economic and political interests; uniting as broadly as possible with other strata and political organizations in the struggle against the destruction of democracy, against the emerging surveillance state and the threat of neo-fascism, and in defense of national sovereignty; and achieving cross-border solidarity and unified action in the struggle against the capitalist exploitation of workers and against imperialist war.
At the National Congress held in March 2024, we set several goals and tasks for ourselves, and we are currently going all out to realize them. Our work focuses on the trade union movement, the struggle for social welfare, opposition to EU policies, the climate struggle, the peace struggle, and opposition to imperialism. In this context, party building is particularly crucial. Currently, our party has not yet fully played the role of a vanguard, or—as we would hope—become the driving force of the labor movement, the setter of agendas, and the advocate of struggle. This is the goal we are working to achieve, but it has not yet been reached. Therefore, we are committed to promoting the development and growth of the party, making it a party that is more action-oriented and more open. Youth play an extremely important role in the struggle to end the capitalist system; they are also the hope for the future. Therefore, the Communist Party (Denmark) must go deep among the youth, communicate with them directly, and guide them into the struggle. The party possesses a theory capable of uniting several generations to struggle together for the cause of socialism. Fortunately, we are currently seeing an increasing number of young people join our party. At least one-quarter of our members are under the age of 40.
One of our party’s most valuable assets is our powerful web media platform—"The Worker" (Arbejderen). It is not only our party’s unique mouthpiece but also plays a vital role in our party’s engagement with the media. However, the role of Arbejderen goes far beyond this: it has become a gathering place for progressive people in Denmark who are actively involved in campaigns. Whether they are activists in the trade union movement, the social resistance movement, the climate struggle, the housing movement, the anti-racism movement, or the struggle for peace and international solidarity, they all use Arbejderen as their vocal platform.
In summary, I firmly believe that our party occupies a pivotal position in the Danish communist movement and is undergoing a very optimistic developmental trend. In the current Danish communist movement, the Communist Party (Denmark) is perhaps the most united and dynamic political party.
Q: Recently, the Communist Party of Denmark and the "Communist Party in Denmark" united after years of negotiations. How do you view the differences and the political landscape among the various communist parties in Denmark today, and what caused this situation? Do you think it is possible for Danish communist organizations to unite in the near future?
A: Our party was founded in 2006. In the years that followed, although some comrades joined us, attempts to merge with other communist parties were unsuccessful. After multiple rounds of negotiations and practice, members of the Communist Party of Denmark, the "Communist Party in Denmark," and the Communist Party (Denmark) carried out extensive and active cooperation within social movements. In September 2023, the Communist Party of Denmark and the "Communist Party in Denmark" successfully held a unity congress. Although differences existed regarding how to understand the current parliamentary struggle, we reached a consensus after just a few years of negotiation. I attended the congress and conveyed sincere greetings on behalf of the Communist Party (Denmark). In my speech, I mentioned: "Today, you have taken an important step. In the era we live in, unity is of paramount importance... We expect that the merger of the Communist Party of Denmark and the 'Communist Party in Denmark' will strengthen the power of Danish communism. We hope this will make us more active in the movements and struggles that are urgently needed today. In the struggle for peace and against the proxy war in Ukraine, in the struggle against US military bases in Denmark, in the struggle to restore the power of trade unions, and in the struggle against the rise of right-wing forces, let us fight together for the needs and interests of the working class and the broad masses of the people."
We are well aware that the figures of communists are active within many parties and organizations, as well as outside of them. In the process of advancing the unity of the communist movement, we always maintain an open attitude and will not reject anyone who is willing to join. As for why it has been impossible to gather all communists under a single organization, various explanations and views exist. Some believe there is a lack of a common desire for unity between different organizations. For others, the historical divisions of the 1970s and 80s still influence current unity. Still others have lost confidence in the possibility of achieving unity.
Based on the current situation, I believe that the issue of communist unity must be examined in conjunction with the actual conditions of domestic and international class struggle. The drastic international changes we are witnessing are also setting a new agenda for our country's struggle. We must actively adapt to the multipolar world pattern and clarify China's role and positioning on the international stage. This requires us communists to be able to adjust our strategic direction and take active action under the new situation. In this capitalist world characterized by the arms race, war, and what Lenin called "reaction all along the line" [7], we need to conduct a concrete analysis of the current situation rather than looking toward the past. Otherwise, we will be unable to determine the direction of the struggle. I am reflecting on how, in this process—particularly within the specific struggles and movements of our country—the issue of the solidarity and unity of communist organizations should be further resolved through practice.
III. Current Progressive Social Movements in Denmark and the Crisis of Capitalism
Q: What is the current development status of the labor movement and progressive social movements in Denmark?
A: I believe it is necessary to explore Denmark's role within the imperialist global system. Our country's ruling class, as a loyal follower of the US-led Transatlantic Alliance, participated in the creation of the aggressive NATO and EU. Therefore, where we live and fight is in the heartland of the Global North. This influence penetrates every level of society. Denmark is an extremely wealthy country. Following the rise of shipping and trade capitalism and the subsequent process of industrialization, the working class created immense wealth, promoting the prosperity of capitalism. However, Denmark's capital accumulation also originated from the exploitation and plunder of people in other countries during the era of colonialism and slavery. To a large extent, the history of the development of Danish capitalism is also a history of colonial plunder.
However, we also possess an organized working class, whose origins lie in industry and shipbuilding, later expanding into pharmaceuticals and the service sector. It is against this historical backdrop that the Danish working class fought for and secured relatively superior working conditions, which for the past several decades remained better than those in many other capitalist countries. But these superior conditions are gradually fading away. In the past 40 years, the continuous offensive of capital has pushed the working class in Denmark and other Western countries into an extremely dire situation. The most important mass organizations of the working class—the trade unions (which in Denmark are unified organizations transcending religious and political boundaries)—are facing an existential crisis. If these mass organizations cannot survive and transform into genuine fighting forces, it will be unimaginable for the working class to make progress in the struggle to improve living conditions and increase democratic rights.
Q: As one of the Nordic countries, Denmark's high-welfare system is seen by some as a "rudimentary form of socialism." How do you evaluate this?
A: Since the late 1950s, the Nordic countries gradually constructed a universal welfare system; this process was the product of long-term class struggle. It was not a gift from the bourgeoisie, but an achievement secured through arduous effort. In essence, it was a victory achieved by the highly organized trade union movement.
In this context, the bourgeoisie and its political parties realized that to avoid being completely overthrown, they had to make compromises. They were forced to engage in dialogue and negotiation with the trade unions. Therefore, it was precisely out of fear of socialism that the bourgeoisie made concessions under the pressure of the labor movement and reached a comprehensive class compromise. The welfare system was realized because the working class, through unremitting class struggle, changed the balance of power between labor and capital. It was by no means an unconditional gift!
However, reformists within the labor movement view class compromise as a sign of accepting the capitalistic organization of production, private ownership of the means of production, and the employers' right to command and distribute labor. They depict the universal welfare system as the fruit of social peace and cooperation with capital owners, suggesting that the latter should display more benevolence and civility. We do not believe that the universal welfare system is a bridge to socialism—even though its core idea is built upon strong and efficiently functioning communities. However, if socialism is to be truly realized, these communities must also collectively manage and control the society's wealth and productive forces. At present, we have not yet reached this goal.
In fact, society is moving in the exact opposite direction. This is because the ruling class only accepts compromises when they are necessary to maintain capitalist rule. With the collapse of European socialism and the rise of neoliberalism, the necessity for such class compromise ceased to exist, and the process of dismantling the welfare system was subsequently initiated. Opposing this process of disintegration is an important struggle objective for us Communists.
Q: Given the increasing rise of far-right forces across European countries, what is the response strategy of the Communist Party (Denmark)?
A: In Europe, the threat of fascism is tangible—or more accurately, the threat of neo-fascism, as it is no longer the fascism of the 20th century. At that time, the labor movement, trade union movement, and communist movement were all very strong; today, this is no longer the case. We have witnessed how anti-democratic and even fascist movements and parties have grown in strength in certain regions and gradually seized power. They take pride in inciting racial discrimination and promoting hatred and violence. They have exploited the decline of the labor movement and trade unions, the growing dissatisfaction with political elites, and the loss of faith in bourgeois democracy. They utilize the masses' feelings of abandonment, worthlessness, despair, and alienation to propagate bizarre conspiracy theories. Most importantly, however, they promise revenge against a ruling class that has betrayed the working class and the nation.
At the same time, we see that whether it is the bourgeois liberal parties or the social democratic parties in power, both are restricting civil liberties. Bourgeois democracy is sinking into crisis, and its functions are increasingly dysfunctional. The people have been deprived of almost any genuine influence over social development. Another very important point: the neoliberal economic policies of the past 40 years paved the way for the rise of neo-fascism, as these policies pushed a large part of the working class to the margins of society. Unfortunately, anger toward the rulers has been channeled in the wrong direction.
Therefore, we need to unite all anti-fascist forces. The situation is grave, and we are at a critical moment to prevent neo-fascism from gaining a mass base and subsequently taking power. Communists bear a special responsibility in this regard. This is because the anti-fascist struggle is not merely an ideological and political struggle; it is also (and perhaps most importantly) an economic and social struggle to defend the living conditions of the working class and oppressed people. The social struggle must occupy the center stage.
Q: In your view, is communism currently undergoing a revival in Denmark? Or is it too early to draw such a conclusion?
A: In my view, it is premature to assert a comprehensive revival of Danish communism. We exist in a society where the ruling class is consciously spreading anti-communist sentiment. This phenomenon has become increasingly severe in recent years. An extreme "war fever" [8] is spreading—a hysteria that makes all voices opposing war or criticizing NATO targets of public condemnation. Meanwhile, a form of Russophobia wrapped in anti-communist ideology is spreading through society. Even the attitude toward China clearly carries an anti-communist coloring. Countering this deeply rooted ideology is a challenge we are willing to accept, but this challenge cannot be resolved in a short time. We can say that political radicalization is occurring, particularly among certain youth groups. The challenge for communists is to absorb the energy of this radicalization. Furthermore, I firmly believe that a true revival of the communist movement is closely linked to the deepening of the working-class struggle. Therefore, it is vital that communists go deep into the working class, especially rooting themselves in the core sections of the working class.
IV. The World Significance of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics and China's Global Role
Q: How do you evaluate the world significance of socialism with Chinese characteristics?
A: The Communist Party (Denmark) believes that the successful Chinese Revolution of 1949 was one of the most important revolutionary events of the 20th century. It was, first and foremost, an anti-colonialist revolution that combined national independence with social liberation. After more than 100 years of imperialist plunder and oppression, the Chinese people were able to become masters of their own house [9] through anti-imperialist and anti-feudal revolutionary struggle, achieving progress of a scale and depth never before seen in human history in just a few decades.
Today we can see that while European socialism collapsed, the Chinese comrades have held their ground. Under extremely difficult conditions, they have persisted on the path of socialist development. The Communist Party of China defines present-day China as being in the primary stage of socialism [10] and has been taking measures to further improve and develop socialism with Chinese characteristics. Currently, China's development is facing profound and complex transformations. Against the backdrop of an unpredictable global situation, great opportunities and challenges coexist. Thanks to the leadership of the Communist Party of China, China has laid a solid economic, political, and social foundation and possesses the momentum for continuous development.
Q: How do you evaluate China's current role in the global landscape?
A: At present, China's international status cannot be overstated. The initiatives taken by the Communist Party of China and the Chinese government have brought hope to the forces pursuing peace and cooperation globally. In the current world structure, China is committed to promoting conflict mitigation, maintaining peace, and advancing development, becoming an important counterweight to the Transatlantic Alliance. This struggle is crucial for us because, situated within a core imperialist country, we are fighting for lasting peace. We oppose arms expansion and refuse to let our own working class bear the costs for the greedy ambitions of Cold War forces and arms dealers.
It is heartening that there is a powerful socialist country standing on the same front as us in the world. In this context, strengthening international cooperation among communist, revolutionary, and progressive forces has become particularly critical. This is also to counter the growing Cold War trend against China in our region. U.S. imperialism and the surrounding imperialist blocs view China as their primary adversary, and they dominate this intense New Cold War movement.
In the current international situation, the international community's support for China's peaceful realization of its national development goals is essential. We strongly condemn the interference of imperialist forces in China's internal affairs, viewing such behavior as a serious violation of China's national sovereignty. The Communist Party (Denmark) is willing to promote relevant discussions within the Danish left and minimize the spread of rumors and prejudices regarding China.
Source: World Socialism Studies (Issue 1, 2026) Editor: Huihui