Cao Yongxin: The Historical Context of the Sinicization and Modernization of Marxism
Marx noted: "Men make their own history, but they do not make it as they please; they do not make it under self-selected circumstances, but under circumstances existing already, given and transmitted from the past." It is often said that we must "seek truth from facts" [1] by starting from reality; this "reality" refers not only to the current state of affairs but also contains the historical process of how that state was formed. Only by understanding historical development can one become intimately acquainted with the present. The reason we emphasize the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism is that Marxism is concrete and historical. The Sinicization and modernization of Marxism has its specific historical setting, situated always within the fluid, objective scenes of Chinese history and indeed the history of all humanity. For the study of Contemporary Chinese Marxism and 21st-century Marxism, one must link the new realistic scenes of the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism with historical scenes to further and profoundly understand the historical status and practical relevance of these new ideas and theories.
I. Relevant Important Concepts and Basic Logical Relationships
(1) The Historical Unity of the Innovative Achievements of the Sinicization (Localization) and Modernization of Marxism
Contemporary Chinese Marxism and 21st-century Marxism are the latest achievements of the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism—or rather, they are Sinicized and modernized Marxism—of which Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era is the concentrated expression. Based on a literal reading, "Contemporary Chinese Marxism" seems to emphasize the dimension of Sinicizing Marxism, while "21st-century Marxism" emphasizes the dimension of modernizing Marxism. However, such an understanding is neither comprehensive nor appropriate; these two aspects or levels cannot be severed from one another, as the ideas of both are integrated into a single whole. To be sure, in history, the theoretical achievements of the nationalization (or localization) of Marxism and its modernization have not always been perfectly unified or concentrated in a single expression; the spiritual essence of an era might be concentrated in the intellectual output of one or several nations. For instance, in the 20th century, the practical struggles of various countries using Marxism to oppose Western colonial rule and strive for national democratic liberation and socialist revolution set off a high tide in the international communist movement. This gave birth to a group of socialist states and formed a series of new localized and modernized Marxist achievements, such as Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought. In the current era, as the leader of the world's largest Marxist party and largest socialist country, the innovative intellectual achievements and developmental successes attained by the Communist Party of China (CPC) play a leading role in the localized and modernized development of Marxism and occupy a position of pivotal importance. When we say Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era is Contemporary Chinese Marxism and 21st-century Marxism, we mean that both are concentratedly expressed in the innovative achievements of the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism; they represent the historical unity of the localized and modernized fruits of Marxism.
(2) The Connotation of the "Sinicization and Modernization of Marxism" Centered on Modernization
The nationalization (localization) of Marxism is the normal state of the process by which Marxism takes root in the practice of various countries. Every innovative theoretical achievement formed—including those representing a "leap" [2]—is a product of a specific historical stage, inevitably bearing the imprint and characteristics of its era. Particularly during significant historical turning points, the connotation of modernization may be the most prominent expression of intellectual innovation. This is well-proven by the historical initiative of Leninism, which guided the successful opening of a revolutionary breach in the "weakest link" of the world capitalist system and established the first socialist state; it is likewise proven by Mao Zedong Thought, which guided the great historical victories of the New Democratic Revolution and the socialist revolution. In studying Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, we must emphasize its modernized connotations. This Thought represents the combination of the basic tenets of Marxism with China’s specific realities and with China’s fine traditional culture—that is, a new leap in the Sinicization of Marxism possessing the clear hallmarks of the New Era. For example, the historical positioning of "Socialism with Chinese Characteristics entering a New Era" constitutes the epochal nature of the combination of Marxist tenets with China’s specific realities (the first of the "Two Combinations" [3]). Furthermore, the report to the 20th National Congress of the CPC explicitly pointed out that Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era is the "crystalline essence of the times" (时代结晶) regarding China’s fine traditional culture and the Chinese spirit. This likewise constitutes the epochal nature of the second of the "Two Combinations"—the combination of Marxism with China’s fine traditional culture. Moreover, when we speak of "modernization" today, we refer not only to China but to the changes of the New Era in the world. We are experiencing "great changes unseen in a century" [4]; this is the vital epochal characteristic of the 21st century in which we reside. Why must contemporary modernization place even greater emphasis on changes in the international environment? It is because China’s opening up and international exchanges are unprecedented; our developmental achievements, international status, and international influence are unprecedented. China is increasingly moving toward the center of the world stage, and the CPC must "maintain a global vision" (胸怀天下). In short, modernized connotations are a vital component of the new leap in the Sinicization of Marxism. Contemporary Chinese Marxism and 21st-century Marxism are concentratedly expressed in the New Era thought of the Chinese communists, with Comrade Xi Jinping as their chief representative.
(3) Emphasizing Modernization Does Not Mean Theories Lack Trans-Epochal Significance, Nor Does It Mean Localized Marxism Lacks Global Significance
Localization and modernization are inherent to the "particularity of contradiction"; that is to say, one cannot use particularity to negate universality. The characteristic of Marxism lies in the fact that it is built on a scientific foundation that reveals the historical laws of human society, while remaining grounded in concrete, historical practice. The localization and modernization of Marxism is itself a case of "universality residing within particularity," integrating the two. It is a concrete, scientific revelation of the laws of social development and possesses universal guiding significance. The founders of Marxism, Marx and Engels, precisely by grounding themselves in a deep analysis of the internal contradictions of European capitalist society and taking the pulse of the historical fate of capitalism, profoundly revealed the laws of human social development and founded scientific socialism. This provided a guiding ideology and theoretical foundation for socialist revolution and construction in countries worldwide. As the process of world history unfolded, Leninism, Mao Zedong Thought, and the Theory of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics formed during the new period of reform, opening up, and socialist modernization were all theoretical innovations of localization and modernization—the combination of universal Marxist principles with a country's specific practice. These are all concrete, historical theories that are both national and global; they are scientific theoretical systems containing universal truths and possess guiding significance for the revolutionary struggles and social construction of peoples across the world. In the current era, Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era is the latest theoretical achievement of the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism. It is a scientific theoretical system based on a law-based understanding of the path of socialist modernization and the path of human civilization’s development within the new process of world history and the new stage of economic globalization. It possesses strong practical relevance and long-lasting universal guiding significance.
II. The Historical Scene of the Creation of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era
In the short decade spanning the 18th to the 20th National Congresses of the CPC, through comprehensively deepening reform, comprehensively building a moderately prosperous society in all respects, comprehensively advancing the law-based governance of the country, and comprehensively and strictly governing the Party (the "Four Comprehensives"), New Era China has achieved significant successes across economic, political, cultural, social, and ecological construction, as well as Party building. The Sixth Plenary Session of the 19th CPC Central Committee summarized the New Era achievements from thirteen aspects, and the 20th National Congress further distilled these experiences. While attaining practical achievements, our Party has also made massive gains in guiding ideology and theoretical construction, realizing a new leap in the Sinicization of Marxism and forming Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era. Reviewing this journey, we must recognize that the domestic and international situation facing the development of socialism with Chinese characteristics in the New Era has been exceptionally treacherous, characterized by numerous difficulties and immense challenges.
From an external perspective, the environment for China’s peaceful development and external conditions have noticeably deteriorated; this is the result of changes in the historical scene we inhabit. Why did our Party propose to "seize the period of strategic opportunity" [5] at the start of the reform and opening-up period? Why did a strategic opportunity period exist at all? This requires returning to an assessment of the external world. The period of strategic opportunity was also a result of the economic laws of the external capitalist world and the evolution of the international landscape. Looking at the evolution of the international landscape, by the 1970s, as the wave of global national independence and liberation movements after World War II broke the world colonial system, the Western capitalist powers were struck again. Combined with the confrontation of the US-Soviet bipolar Cold War and US setbacks in the Middle East wars and its entrapment in the quagmire of the Vietnam War, the developed nations of the US and Europe were forced to proactively show goodwill to China. China took the opportunity to improve diplomatic relations with Western nations, creating a relatively favorable international environment for China's opening up. It was precisely after China improved relations with Western developed nations and further adjusted national policy to implement reform and opening up—and from the perspective of the capitalist world economic cycle and laws of development—that the European and American nations emerged from economic crisis and depression. Their economies gradually recovered and entered a fast track of prosperity. By the 1980s, Western developed nations like the US and UK generally adopted neoliberal policies such as privatization, free markets, trade liberalization, and economic globalization. Simultaneously, a new round of scientific and technological revolution based on information technology boosted the wave of economic globalization. These changes quickly made the world landscape crystal clear: the developmental advantages of developed nations relative to the vast number of developing nations were obvious, and the "North-South gap" between them further widened. Of course, for a China that had already improved relations with Western nations, this was also an opportunity to achieve synchronized development with the world economy. For Western developed nations, China was an untapped market with enormous potential. Furthermore, because the gap between China’s economic and technological strength and that of the US and Europe was vast at that time, China not only didn't pose a challenge to them, but many in the West believed that through expanded engagement, they might bring about changes in China favorable to the West. In short, for China, changes in the world presented a rare period of strategic opportunity for open development. China firmly seized this period, and its reform and opening-up policy conformed to the trend of economic globalization, driving China's economy to achieve a long period of high-speed growth. China jumped to become the world's second-largest economy and the largest importer and exporter of goods.
However, the laws of the capitalist world's economic cycles and its rise and fall dictate that it will inevitably head toward crisis and recession again; moreover, after economic globalization, crises become more severe and widespread each time. In 2008, a financial crisis erupted in Western nations, triggering a global crisis and economic recession; even now, there are no signs of a global economic recovery. In sharp contrast, China’s economic revitalization and development still show a trend of vigorous vitality. In this situation, the United States began to blatantly adopt bullying policies, continuously escalating trade wars, tech-info wars, and geopolitical encirclement, using all manner of containment and strangulation tactics against China in a vain attempt to transform China’s period of opportunity into a crisis and a predicament. The external environment for China’s development has changed significantly and even deteriorated seriously. In this difficult moment, the CPC Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core withstood the immense pressure from international anti-China forces. Remaining calm in the face of change, the Party persisted in implementing a strategy of all-around expansion of opening up, upheld multilateralism against unilateralism, struggled against anti-globalization, and advocated a series of new concepts and measures such as openness, cooperation, win-win results, common human values, and the promotion of a community with a shared future for humanity. These actions broke through the economic blockade of US hegemony, minimized the adverse effects caused by the Western financial crisis, economic recession, and the pandemic, and continuously turned crises into opportunities. Consequently, the Chinese economy has become the main engine of world economic development. Entering the New Era, China’s comprehensive national strength, international status, and intellectual influence have risen significantly.
From an internal perspective, China itself faces difficulties in development and governance, as well as various risks and tests. China's reform and opening up and its modernization drive have achieved immense economic success, but as the chief architect of reform and opening up, Deng Xiaoping, "predicted," more complex problems arise after development is achieved. Reform also faces the question of direction: how to correctly understand socialism with Chinese characteristics; how to successfully traverse the path of socialist modernization after achieving the goal of comprehensively building a moderately prosperous society; how to solve the problem of "dividing the cake" while "making the cake bigger"; how to recover a spiritual home that is being progressively lost amid material abundance; how to correct the declining trend of social moral standards, ideals, and convictions; how to enhance the Party's leadership and its ability to resist corruption and degeneration; how to improve Party-mass relations and ensure long-term adherence to the Party’s purpose; how to realize the transformation and upgrading of the extensive economic growth model and the "follower" development model; and how to reverse the deteriorating trends in the natural, political, and cultural ecosystems, among others.
In sum, the question of where reform and opening up and socialism with Chinese characteristics are headed was placed before the Party and the people, with the core issue being the concept of development. Since the 18th National Congress, the CPC Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core has held high the banner, based itself on the New Era and new national conditions, and acted in response to changes in the principal contradiction of social development in the New Era. It timely proposed the New Development Philosophy, made major strategic deployments for the Four Comprehensives and the Five-Sphere Integrated Plan, and implemented a series of strategic layouts and policy measures such as supply-side structural reform, economic transformation and upgrading, and structural adjustment. It formulated the new national policy of ecological civilization, persisted in a people-centered approach, adhered to the path of common prosperity, and steadily advanced reform and opening up. Furthermore, it strengthened the Party's overall leadership, had the courage to practice self-revolution, increased its efforts to punish corruption, resolutely corrected "unhealthy winds" [6], vigorously promoted positive social energy, and carried out a great struggle with many new historical features. All of these efforts have strengthened the Chinese people’s confidence in their path, theory, system, and culture. It has answered the questions of history, the era, and the people regarding "what is socialism with Chinese characteristics and how to build it" in the New Era, not only through ideological understanding but also through practical action. This has reversed the situation, clarified the path, realized the comprehensive development of various undertakings in the primary stage of socialism, and vigorously promoted overall social progress. Achieving such success in the face of difficulties benefits from the brilliant leadership and correct decision-making of the CPC Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core, and is the fruitful result of the formation and simultaneous implementation of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era.
III. The Historical Context of the Two Major Practical Themes of the Sinicization and Modernization of Marxism: Socialism with Chinese Characteristics and Chinese-path Modernization
Today, some people's understanding of socialism with Chinese characteristics may differ from what it was originally, and they may wonder: now that we have socialism with Chinese characteristics, why do we need to propose Chinese-path modernization? In fact, the reference object for "Chinese characteristics" at the outset no longer exists today. "Chinese characteristics" was not originally defined in opposition to today's Western countries, but rather in relation to the traditional socialist models of the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe that existed at that time. More than 30 years after the disappearance of the socialist states in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, people today are gradually losing their sense of the historical context in which the proposal to "walk our own path" and "build socialism with Chinese characteristics" was made. In this regard, I believe that our proposal of Chinese-path modernization is primarily relative to Western capitalist modernization. Therefore, the report to the 20th National Congress emphasized that Chinese-path modernization is a socialist modernization whose essential requirements include upholding the Party's leadership and achieving common prosperity for all the people. Modernization was indeed first established by Western capitalist countries; the so-called "benchmark of modernity" and its primary indicators are technological and economic development based on industrialization, which has also become the target pursued by countries worldwide. Modernization has also been the common goal pursued by several generations in both old and new China. Semi-colonial and semi-feudal old China could not even successfully navigate the capitalist path, let alone achieve modernization. After establishing the basic socialist system, independent New China determined the "Four Modernizations" [7] as its development goal. It should be said that from then on, China's modernization was no longer a capitalist-style modernization.
Although the goal of achieving socialist modernization was established and adhered to by the first generation of New China’s leaders, at the beginning of reform and opening up and socialist modernization following the end of the "Cultural Revolution," the gap between our productive forces, economic development level, and GNP compared to developed countries was still very large. Once economic development was elevated to the central task, we first had to solve the problem of food and clothing; the first staged goal of development was the realization of a moderately prosperous society (xiaokang). This was still the primary "characteristic" of socialism with Chinese characteristics. The main measures taken were opening to the outside world, learning from and introducing capital and technology (including management techniques) from developed countries, opening the domestic market, and conducting reforms to create institutional mechanisms that could connect with the commodity economy and the international market, ultimately establishing a socialist market economy system. One might say that the understanding and judgment of "Chinese-path modernization," if placed in the historical context of the early reform and opening up period, would at most have remained at the level of a principled conceptualization; it was unlikely to form a concrete, clear, and universal perception.
As the economic miracle created during China's reform and opening up and modernization exceeded the world's imagination, and China's continuous and rapid economic growth commanded global attention, the cognitive difference between Chinese and Western people became further highlighted. Originally, the goal of Western countries was to use China's huge market on the one hand, and on the other, to reduce China to a dependency of the Western developed capitalist world through "engagement" and "exchange," or even to trigger a "peaceful evolution" [8] like that in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. At the same time, a trend toward "Westernization" did indeed emerge within Chinese society, along with signs of an intentional or unintentional departure from the original intention of reform and opening up, which was to "develop and perfect socialism." Increasing numbers of people in society were eroded by capitalist values; the "barbaric growth" of capital continuously endangered the healthy development of the social, economic, political, cultural, and ecological systems; and the corruption and moral degradation appearing within the ranks of cadres reached a shocking level of severity, seriously threatening the people's trust in our Party. Party leadership was weakening and socialist convictions were being lost.
After the comprehensive completion of a moderately prosperous society, the question of the path of modernization—namely, its direction—became a question of the era, the people, and the world that had to be clearly answered; it was, moreover, the fundamental question for contemporary Chinese Marxism and 21st-century Marxism. Should modernization continue to refer to the Western capitalist model that pursues almost exclusively a single indicator of economic development, or should it transcend this model to open up a new socialist modernization path of civilization with the all-round progress of economic, political, social, cultural, and ecological civilization? This was another major choice for China's reform and opening up development strategy. Since the 18th National Congress, the CPC Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core timely formulated the "Four Comprehensives" strategic deployment, increasing the intensity and strength of national and social governance. While significantly reversing various "unhealthy winds," it clearly emphasized that socialism with Chinese characteristics is socialism—the concrete practice of scientific socialism in China—and that the Communist Party of China is a Marxist political party which is not only the governing party but the leading party. It insisted that the Party's overall leadership must be strengthened, explicitly proposed the path of Chinese-path modernization, and further formulated the staged strategic goals for socialist modernization, thereby establishing the New Era's confidence in our path, theory, system, and culture. Of course, from socialism with Chinese characteristics to Chinese-path modernization, there is one commonality: both are the correct choices of path made by the CPC in uniting and leading the people after the socialist cause withstood the tests of hardships and setbacks; they are the brilliant decisions of the Party Central Committee, the choice of the people, and the choice of history.
The level and measurement standards of human social modernization have evolved from industrialization to digitalization. Technological development is the foundation of modernization and the core symbol of modern material civilization. In modern society, science and technology are hailed as the "primary productive force," and technological revolutions continuously push human society to higher levels of modernization. In the wave of economic globalization dominated by capitalism, high-tech fields have become a fierce arena of competition between countries. The paths of technological development in different countries have varied orientations toward introduction, input, cooperation, or independent innovation.
When China faces a harsh international environment caused by a series of anti-globalization operations by Western countries like the United States—which use all possible means to squeeze our trade space, implement technological blockades, coerce us to retreat step by step, and contain our development—and when efforts to pursue win-win cooperation are repeatedly frustrated, we cannot help but recall the similar historical scenes faced by the first generation of New China's leaders. Historical contexts and realistic environmental conditions rarely align with one’s wishes. Fortunately, as a Marxist party, the historical destiny of the Communist Party of China is not only to lead the Chinese people in breaking an old world but, more importantly, to create a new one. The CPC and the Chinese people possess a "confidence in the path" and a "historical initiative" that "does not believe in heresy and is not afraid of ghosts" [9]. In the past, under the extreme difficulties of international blockade and isolation, we were able to overcome hardships and clear all obstacles to strive for victory. On the mess left by an impoverished and weak old China, the first generation of the Party's leadership united and led the Chinese people to rely on independence, self-reliance, and hard struggle. Within a very short time, they established a relatively complete industrial and national economic system for New China, achieved breakthroughs in sophisticated technologies such as "Two Bombs, One Star" [10], and laid a solid foundation for China to become a manufacturing and military power today. In the New Era, the CPC Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core has led the people to build on past achievements and uphold the fundamentals while breaking new ground. It has formulated a series of independent innovation strategies to build a strong nation in science and technology, talent, and modernization. These will surely enable continuous new breakthroughs and transcendencies in various fields of digital technology and the digital economy in the information age, further demonstrating the advantages of CPC leadership and the socialist system.
The situation in which we must rely on independence, self-reliance, and independent innovation over the long term exists because we have long been surrounded by the capitalist world and are in a historical context of economic competition with developed capitalist countries; this is an objective reality that does not change according to human will. Opportunities to smoothly open up and integrate into economic globalization may appear occasionally, but they are gifts that cannot be sought at will. From Lenin, the leader of the world’s first socialist state, who first proposed the strategy of peaceful coexistence and peaceful competition with Western capitalist countries and formulated the New Economic Policy to strengthen international cooperation; to the first generation of New China’s leadership who formulated the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence; to the New Period of reform and opening up which proposed the "peace and development" theme of the era and formulated the national policy of opening to the outside world—the desire of socialist countries for openness and cooperation has always been urgent. But facts have ultimately proven that at critical moments, the Western capitalist world is not only unreliable but will exclude and suppress socialist countries, even attempting to make "the party perish and the state fall." In the end, socialist countries must rely on their own strength and walk their own path to survive, develop, and grow. Today, as China’s international status and influence rise, the scenario in which Western countries led by the United States take China as a key target for containment and attack will exist for a long time. Peaceful development, as a beautiful aspiration, will inevitably encounter huge challenges. In fact, from the era of industrialization marked by independence and self-reliance to today’s digital era of independent innovation and our march toward becoming a strong power of Chinese-path modernization, we have benefited from our persistence in following the socialist path. This is a manifestation of the superiority of the socialist system. History and facts have proven time and again that only socialism can pool the wisdom and strength of the masses, unite as one, and engage in hard entrepreneurship; only socialism can mobilize all positive factors and strive for historical initiative. This is precisely why we must persist in the "confidence in our system."
While the history of the world remains in a stage of capitalist expansion, developing countries—especially large developing nations with relatively backward economies and cultures—can utilize capitalism to achieve temporary rapid economic growth if their policies can adapt to the tide of the global economy and seize opportunities. They may even become "economic hegemons." However, the impacts of the inherent vices of capitalism—cyclical crises, polarization between the rich and poor, industrial monopolies, spiritual and cultural crises, and the extraction of surplus value through external expansion—are difficult to avoid. A decline following an economic rise is an inescapable fate. Even if developing countries take the capitalist road, they remain subject to the control of others; the established Western developed nations will not allow a backward country to rise easily and will use every means possible to suppress it. The drastic changes in Eastern Europe [11] serve as a cautionary tale. Today, China has become the primary target of a joint siege by the Western hegemonic and power-politics states led by the United States. This is also part of the "changes unseen in a century" [12], though China is no longer the China of more than a hundred years ago. History will ultimately prove once again that only by giving full play to the superiority of the socialist system can we avoid the cyclical crises of the capitalist economy, prevent internal strife while overcoming external interference, and truly realize the Chinese Dream of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. Only through this can we finally escape the historical fate of "hegemony inevitably leading to decline" inherent in the law of uneven development of the world economy, and possess the institutional advantages necessary to achieve sustainable development and comprehensive social progress. World history will prove that only socialist modernization is irreversible.
IV. The Historical Context of Combining Marxism with Chinese Culture in the New Era
Marxism did not enter China early, and the modern socialist movement did not originate in China. Nevertheless, the socialist movement and Marxism were able to take root, blossom, and bear rich fruit in China very quickly. Especially after the collapse of the first group of socialist countries in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, the fact that socialism with Chinese characteristics has stood tall and firm has amazed the world. Socialism has a direct relationship with the practical needs of the Chinese revolution and construction, and it also shares common ideological roots with fine traditional Chinese culture. As the report to the 20th CPC National Congress pointed out: "Fine traditional Chinese culture is extensive and profound; it is the crystallization of the wisdom of Chinese civilization. It encapsulates concepts such as: the world is for the public good [13]; the people are the foundation of the state; governing with virtue; discarding the old to bring in the new; appointing the virtuous and capable; the unity of heaven and humanity; self-perfection through constant striving; social commitment; upholding good faith and harmony; and being kind to neighbors. These are important manifestations of the worldview, outlook on the world (Tianxia), social outlook, and moral outlook accumulated by the Chinese people in their long-term production and life, and they possess a high degree of consistency with the values and advocacy of scientific socialism."
As China entered the period of reform and opening up and modernization, it faced the contamination of the decadent culture of Western capitalism. It faced a worsening survival state characterized by commodity fetishism, seeing things but not people, profit-seeking, the distortion of human nature, moral bankruptcy, environmental degradation, and resource depletion. It faced the grave situation of "peaceful evolution" [14] and "color revolutions," and a human crisis and global predicament dominated by capital. Consequently, it is necessary to develop advanced socialist culture and carry forward fine traditional Chinese culture, using the combination of the two to resist the decay and depravity of capitalist society.
Proposing the combination of Marxism with fine traditional Chinese culture today does not mean that there was no such combination before or that we do not acknowledge their integration; rather, it reflects a profound change in the historical context. In fact, the founders and leaders of the early organizations of the Communist Party of China were all intellectuals who were deeply nurtured by fine traditional Chinese culture and possessed prophetic foresight. The modern transformation of fine traditional Chinese culture first occurred within them and benefited from their promotion. The fact that Marxism could enter China and ultimately achieve the Sinicized innovative development of Marxism is likewise due to their leading role. Mao Zedong Thought—and the CPC members with Comrade Mao Zedong as their chief representative, along with their collective wisdom—is ample proof of this. New ideological and cultural concepts such as "seeking truth from facts," "the unity of knowledge and action," and "the mass line" are the rich results of the combination and transformation of Marxism with fine traditional Chinese culture. However, during the period of the national democratic revolution against imperialism and feudalism, the malignant influence of old feudal forces and old culture remained the primary contradiction and the primary aspect of the contradiction. During this period of great social upheaval, opposing the old system and old traditions became the trend, and some "overcorrection" was inevitable. Even under those circumstances, Mao Zedong pointed out long ago: "Today's China is a development of the China of history; we are Marxist historicists, and we should not cut off history. From Confucius to Sun Yat-sen, we should summarize and inherit this precious legacy."
Today, we are in the period of peaceful construction of socialism with Chinese characteristics. Promoting fine traditional Chinese culture—including carrying forward the glorious traditions of modern revolutionary culture—constitutes an important task in the development of socialist culture with Chinese characteristics alongside the building of advanced socialist culture. Because of this, the Party Central Committee has elevated the combination of Marxism with fine traditional Chinese culture to the level of guiding ideology. Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, as the guiding ideology of the New Era, is the latest achievement of combining Marxism with China's reality and with fine traditional Chinese culture. It is the contemporary crystallization of fine traditional Chinese culture and the Chinese spirit, and it represents a new leap in the Sinicization of Marxism.
Our promotion of the combination of Marxism with fine traditional Chinese culture in the New Era also has a specific historical context: the need to resist the dissolution of advanced culture by capitalism and the impact of decadent bourgeois ideology. After all, we are still in a historical stage where capitalism dominates the world and expands brutally. As Marx pointed out, capital comes into the world "dripping from head to foot, from every pore, with blood and dirt." After we opened our doors through reform and opening up, not only did "flies" and "mosquitoes" come in, but "devils" that dissolve human nature also burst in. Under the influence of the infiltration of decadent capitalist culture—such as selfishness, the omnipotence of money, and fetishism—China's socialist spiritual civilization and the fine traditional virtues of the Chinese nation have been seriously eroded. Social morality has declined, a general crisis of trust has emerged between people, and a large number of Party members and cadres have become corrupt and degenerate. If this continues, it will seriously threaten the cultural foundation of the Party's leadership and the socialist system, as well as the traditional lineage and spiritual health of the nation. Therefore, upon entering the New Era, Xi Jinping emphasized that strengthening cultural confidence has strong practical relevance and urgency.
Of course, while we advocate for the vigorous promotion of fine traditional culture, we must still prevent the resurgence of decadent feudal culture just as we prevent the erosion of decadent bourgeois ideology. In the primary stage of socialism, these "two preventions" remain a very arduous task in the cultural field. It is a directional issue concerning whether the primary stage of socialism moves forward or backward, and we must remain highly vigilant. Mao Zedong taught us long ago: "To study our historical legacy and to sum it up critically by the Marxist method is another of our tasks." Xi Jinping further clearly pointed out: "We must integrate the essence of Marxist thought with the cream of fine traditional Chinese culture and with the common values that the masses apply daily without realizing it; continuously endow scientific theory with distinct Chinese characteristics; and continuously consolidate the historical and mass foundations for the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism, so that Marxism takes firm root in China." In short, combining Marxism with fine traditional Chinese culture is an important historical task for the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism and an inherent requirement for the creation and innovative development of a new human civilization. The burden is heavy and the road is long.
V. Historical Experience and Contemporary Responsibilities of the CPC in Promoting the Sinicization and Modernization of Marxism
From successfully leading the victory of the New Democratic Revolution and establishing New China, to leading the socialist revolution and conducting explorations and practices in socialist construction, to opening the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics and entering the New Era today, the CPC has achieved a series of monumental historical achievements that have attracted worldwide attention. The road to success was opened by the Party leading the people to strive hard and hack through thorns and briers within a specific historical context. As a Marxist party, the nature, mission, and purpose of the CPC are completely consistent with the fundamental interests of the people of all ethnic groups in China. The CPC adheres to the basic principles of scientific socialism and, in practice, insists on a series of correct lines—such as seeking truth from facts, integrating theory with practice, maintaining close ties with the masses, criticism and self-criticism, democratic centralism, and whole-process people's democracy—as well as the spirit of self-revolution. It has led the people to find a path for revolution and construction suited to China's national conditions. Consequently, the Chinese nation has been able to welcome the historical leap from standing up and becoming prosperous to becoming strong, and has embarked on a new path of civilization to realize the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. In this historical process, the CPC has also continuously matured and grown, becoming the guide for the Chinese people. The masses turn their hearts toward the Party, listen to the Party, and follow the Party, sincerely loving the Party and its leaders. The trust of the masses has become the deepest resource for the Party's leadership, governance, and historic achievements.
Looking at this historical context of modern China, it can be said as a whole that the aggression and exploitation of China by imperialist powers reduced China to a semi-colonial and semi-feudal society, and even attempts to take the capitalist road ended in failure. Under the guidance of Marxism, the CPC and the people finally found a new socialist path of civilization that can save, develop, and suit China. The leadership of the CPC and the taking of the socialist road were the choice of history and the choice of the people. Socialism made the CPC, and the CPC made socialism. However, there are two situations that cannot but provoke deep thought. First, a group of socialist countries in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe underwent drastic changes and vanished, despite the Soviet Union once having national strength on par with that of the United States. Second, looking at the logic of independence, liberation, and economic and political development in various countries around the world, some large and old parties often step down after achieving national independence and rapid economic development, and countries that once grew rapidly suddenly fall into developmental predicaments and political crises. Will China repeat these mistakes? Historical lessons and the current reality show that the CPC, carrying the heavy responsibility of leadership and governance, still faces many risks in this specific historical context. Briefly, these risks primarily stem from the following three aspects.
First, risks brought by external factors. There are two types of risks in this regard that need to be analyzed. One is the containment and suppression by the Western capitalist world due to institutional opposition and different paths; the other is the bullying by hegemonic and power-politics states encountered by the rise of an emerging nation-state. Both of these situations are currently falling upon us simultaneously. Although external capitalist countries are already deeply mired in a global developmental crisis, humanity has still not escaped the shackles of capitalism. Since its emergence, capitalism has released human evil desires to the greatest extent, and the world is full of the "life-or-death" law of the jungle. As reform and opening up have deeply integrated China into the process of economic globalization, China is undoubtedly increasingly subject to the norms of the existing capitalist system. Fortunately, the socialist system originally established has demonstrated great superiority, rapidly achieving economic revitalization and national prosperity. To avoid the hazards of capitalism, we were clear from the beginning that we wanted to achieve socialist modernization, possessing the possibility and the actual conditions to choose our path. Naturally, China's strength and development momentum will inevitably suffer containment from Western countries. Western countries not only want to incite opposition in social systems and ideology to find excuses to pull allies together to isolate and suppress China, but additionally, any sovereign state with a momentum of rapid rise—including China—must encounter suppression from today's global hegemon, the United States. The experiences of countries like Russia after the collapse of the Soviet Union, as well as the law of the jungle among Western developed countries, are living realities; this is sometimes even unrelated to the opposition of systems and paths. In other words, the capitalist road failed for the semi-feudal and semi-colonial old China a hundred years ago, and it is also unfeasible for the China that is currently moving toward prosperity and strength. Only socialism can save, develop, and strengthen China, effectively safeguard national security and national interests, and achieve common prosperity for the vast majority of people. Only by comprehensively building a great modern socialist country can we finally realize the Chinese Dream of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. Therefore, Xi Jinping has repeatedly emphasized that socialism with Chinese characteristics is socialism and not any other "ism." Chinese-path modernization is rooted in adhering to the Party's leadership and the socialist road; we must not take the "wicked road" [15].
Second, internal social risks. Society is an organic whole composed of the entire people, and interests serve as the foundation of social relations. Although we emphasize that socialism with Chinese characteristics is socialism, and although we emphasize being people-centered, it cannot be denied that this "person" or "the people" is not an abstraction, but is composed of real individuals pursuing their own concrete interests. Since the vigorous development of the commodity economy and market economy during the primary stage of socialism [16], society has formed various interest groups and individuals whose respective interests are no longer consistent and are even in opposition. Different interests lead to differing political stances and cultural values. As the leading and governing party, the Communist Party of China (CPC) inevitably faces difficulties in coordinating the interests of all parties, uniting different factions, and unifying ideological understanding. It must prevent the emergence of severe interest polarization, political opposition, and conceptual conflict, which would destroy the hard-won social situation of long-term stability. Particularly, once the interests of the masses as a whole become severely polarized, the socialist system and its ideological foundation will gradually dissolve. The CPC's appeal, cohesion, and mobilization capacity are the basis for concentrating resources to accomplish large undertakings [17], the foundation of China's soft power, and the proof of its own leadership and governing capabilities; these must be continuously consolidated and strengthened. This is why we must persist in common prosperity and persist in taking the path of socialist modernization; the primary stage of socialism must develop toward a higher stage, rather than regressing.
Third, risks originating from the Party itself. The success of the CPC fundamentally lies in its excellence, originating from the high-standard requirements of its Party spirit and its purity. After all, Party members and cadres come from the masses of the people; the larger the number of members, the more prominent the issues of Party spirit and purity become. Although the Party itself has no independent interests, Party members and cadres do not exist outside of society and will certainly be influenced by social interest groups. Especially in the primary stage of socialism characterized by the great development of the commodity economy, it is difficult for the Party’s ideology and work style to avoid erosion; there may even be risks of large-scale "landslide-style" corruption [18] and degeneration. The leadership of the CPC is the defining feature and the political and institutional advantage of socialism with Chinese characteristics. We can never tolerate the existence of "black sheep" [19] who are corrupt, degenerate, or damage the Party's image. This is why we must increase the intensity of comprehensively and strictly governing the Party and must overcome governing risks through self-revolution. Of course, recognizing these risks does not mean they have been resolved; we remain amidst these risks, and they merit our vigilance. In the new historical stage where reform and opening up and socialism with Chinese characteristics have entered the New Era, the entire Party must persist in implementing Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, vigorously carry out the great struggle with many new historical features [20], earnestly achieve the "Four Confidences" [21], enhance unity, and respond to various risks and challenges with full confidence.
In summary, the historical scene we inhabit today is not unitary but composite; it is a composite scene of multiple historical development processes. It includes the modernization process since reform and opening up, the development process of socialism with Chinese characteristics in the New Era, and the world-historical process of great changes unseen in a century. Fortunately, we have the foundation of experience and the continuously improving institutional systems accumulated from China's socialist revolution and construction; we have the historical foundation of the Party uniting and leading the people in a century of struggle; we have the national spiritual foundation of the Chinese nation’s indomitability and continuity [22]; we have the experiential foundation of the international communist and world socialist movements; and more importantly, we have the foundation of the CPC's own "magic weapons" [23] for success and its vivid practices in long-term leadership and governance. Together, these constitute the historical conditions for the innovative development of the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism.