Chen Xixi and Wang Jicheng: The Inheritance and Development of the Proposition of "Combining Marxism with Chinese Conditions and the Features of the Times" over "the Sinicization of Marxism"
Regarding the proposition put forward by Xi Jinping in the report to the 20th National Congress of the CPC to "open new horizons in the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism," 1 its relationship with the proposition of "the Sinicization of Marxism" proposed by Mao Zedong at the Sixth Plenary Session of the Sixth CPC Central Committee cannot be understood merely literalistically as a "major development" simply by adding "modernization" to the foundation of "Sinicization." From the moment "the salvos of the October Revolution brought us Marxism-Leninism," 2 through "the Sinicization of Marxism," and finally to "opening new horizons in the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism," we see a process that is both the integration of Marxism with China’s concrete realities and the process of developing Marxism through application, thereby modernizing it. To this end, grasping the theoretical basis, practical logic, and connotations and extensions of the proposition of "the Sinicization of Marxism" proposed by Mao Zedong can help us more profoundly understand the significance of the proposition "opening new horizons in the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism" as something that both follows the same vein as and deepens and elevates the original proposition.
I. The Theoretical Basis, Practical Logic, and Connotations and Extensions of Mao Zedong’s "Sinicization of Marxism"
Mao Zedong explicitly proposed the proposition of "the Sinicization of Marxism" in his report On the New Stage at the Sixth Plenary Session of the Sixth CPC Central Committee in 1938. This signified the theoretical self-consciousness formed by the Communist Party of China during the process of "indigenizing" the Marxism that had been "brought" to it. It possessed not only a practical logic but also a theoretical basis argued by Mao Zedong, thus carrying profound connotations and extensions.
First, the theoretical basis of "the Sinicization of Marxism." By basis, we mean necessity. In interpreting Hegel's proposition that "all that is real is rational," Engels cited Hegel’s assertion that "reality, in the course of its development, proves to be necessity," and pointed out: "the attribute of reality belongs only to that which is at the same time necessary." 3 This means that whatever has an internal basis possesses necessity, and reality is the unfolding of necessity. A basis is the unity of necessity and possibility. When there is the necessity to realize a certain reality, and simultaneously the possibility or conditions for its realization exist, that reality has a basis—that is, it has necessity. The communist ideal elucidated by Marx and Engels sought its basis in the unity of necessity and possibility, which fundamentally distinguished it from utopian socialism. As they stated in The German Ideology: "Communism is for us not a state of affairs which is to be established, an ideal to which reality [will] have to adjust itself. We call communism the real movement which abolishes the present state of things. The conditions of this movement result from the premises now in existence." 4 This means that the reason scientific socialism is scientific lies in the fact that it not only argues for the necessity of realizing the communist ideal but, more importantly, reveals the conditions—that is, the possibilities—provided by capitalism in the course of its development for its own self-sublation.
The theoretical basis, or necessity, revealed by Mao Zedong’s assertion of "the Sinicization of Marxism" is likewise the unity of necessity and possibility. It is embodied in the idea that "there is no such thing as abstract Marxism, but only concrete Marxism." Consequently, "to talk about Marxism apart from Chinese characteristics is only abstract and empty Marxism. Therefore, the Sinicization of Marxism—making it imbued with Chinese characteristics in every manifestation, that is to say, applying it according to China’s characteristics—has become a problem that the whole Party urgently needs to understand and solve." 5
The reason Marxism is "concrete" is that it is not a "world-schematism" constructed to explain the entire universe, nor does it "anticipate the world dogmatically, but rather wishes to find the new world through criticism of the old." 6 The theoretical tool of this criticism is historical materialism, and the object of this criticism is the basic social contradictions of European capitalism. In this criticism, Marxism realized the combination of universality and particularity.
Marx gave a concise expression of historical materialism, summarized in his 1859 "Preface to A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy" while reviewing his intellectual journey in the critique: "The general conclusion at which I arrived and which, once reached, became the guiding principle of my studies can be summarized as follows: In the social production of their existence, men inevitably enter into definite relations, which are independent of their will, namely relations of production appropriate to a given stage in the development of their material productive forces. The totality of these relations of production constitutes the economic structure of society, the real foundation, on which arises a legal and political superstructure and to which correspond definite forms of social consciousness." 7 This means that the thought of the movement of basic social contradictions, composed of productive forces and relations of production, and the economic base and superstructure, is the "hard core" of historical materialism. In Engels’s 1883 "Speech at the Graveside of Karl Marx," the first of the two great discoveries of Marx’s life that he praised was the "law of development of human history" based on the movement of basic social contradictions. In the preface to the republication of the Manifesto of the Communist Party (hereafter referred to as the Manifesto) written in his later years, he pointed out the "basic thought running through the Manifesto: that in every historical epoch, the prevailing mode of economic production and exchange, and the social organization necessarily following from it, form the basis upon which is built up, and from which alone can be explained, the political and intellectual history of that epoch," 7 and later further emphasized that this was the "core and fundamental thought" of the Manifesto.
Therefore, the universality of Marxism is, first and foremost, the universality of its worldview—that is, the historical materialism constructed on the basis of the thought of the movement of basic social contradictions. However, its application possesses particularity—namely, the critique of the basic social contradictions of European capitalism. As Marx emphasized, when using the complete separation of producers from the means of production to analyze the origin of capitalist production, he explicitly limited its necessity to the countries of Western Europe: "[It is] necessary for him to transform my historical sketch of the genesis of capitalism in Western Europe into a historico-philosophical theory of the general path of development, prescribed by fate to all nations, whatever the historical circumstances in which they find themselves... But I beg his pardon. (He is both honoring and shaming me too much.)" 8
According to dialectical materialism, the relationship between the universality and particularity of contradictions follows a completely different logical path from the relationship between the whole and the part in formal logic. In the latter, the whole contains the part, and the part exists within the whole; therefore, its way of thinking is "genus plus specific difference." In the former, however, universality exists within particularity, and particularity contains universality; therefore, its way of thinking is to achieve a "leap" in thought through the concrete combination of universality and particularity. Thus, although Marx’s critique of the basic social contradictions of European capitalist society was particular, within the truth he revealed—that "the fall [of the bourgeoisie] and the victory of the proletariat are equally inevitable" 7—there is a universality of world significance. This is because, according to the movement of basic social contradictions, the "world history" formed by capitalism through the world market brought its basic social contradictions to the entire world.
Since the truth of Marxism is the unity of universality and particularity, the universality of the theoretical logic of its scientific socialism is neither rooted in a conceptual deduction of so-called matter, nor is it the product of an empirical induction of the histories of various countries. Rather, it uses the universality of historical materialism to examine the particularity of the basic social contradictions of European capitalism, and reveals the universality contained within that particularity. This is the meaning of "there is only concrete Marxism."
Precisely because Marxism is concrete, when it is applied in China, one cannot simply take it as a "theory universally applicable throughout the world"—a "whole"—and add to it China’s "specific difference"—a "part"—to perform formal logical reasoning. Instead, one needs dialectical thinking on "Sinicization," applying universality to particularity. Because China’s national conditions had great particularity compared to the European capitalism Marx criticized, this determined the necessity of the "Sinicization of Marxism"; meanwhile, the universality of historical materialism and the universality of "world history" brought by capitalism determined the possibility of the "Sinicization of Marxism."
Second, the practical logic of "the Sinicization of Marxism." Marx pointed out: "The degree of the realization of theory in a nation is always determined by the degree to which theory satisfies that nation's needs." 4 The fact that the October Revolution "brought" China Marxism, this brand-new ideological weapon, did not mean it could be realized naturally in China.
During its incipient period, the Communist Party of China strove to use Marxism as a guide to solve China's practical problems and accumulated many successful experiences. Overall, however, due to insufficient theoretical preparation and practical experience, it also took many detours. In particular, the "Left" dogmatist errors of Wang Ming [2] turned Marxism into a dogma and sanctified the resolutions of the Comintern and the Soviet experience, causing the revolutionary base areas and revolutionary forces in the White areas [3] to suffer severe setbacks. Meanwhile, the Right-opportunist errors represented by Chen Duxiu were, from an ideological root perspective, also the result of dogmatizing Marx’s idea that socialist revolution would first occur in capitalist countries. As Mao Zedong summarized: "From the founding of the Party to the War of Resistance... we experienced two victories and two defeats... Only after comparing these—victory, defeat, then victory, then defeat—could we come to know the objective world that is China... Without the comparison of two victories and two defeats, without sufficient experience, one cannot fully recognize the laws of the Chinese revolution." 9
In the early period of the domestic revolutionary war, Mao Zedong raised a sharp question: "Who are our enemies? Who are our friends? This is a question of the first importance for the revolution. The basic reason why all previous revolutionary struggles in China achieved so little was their failure to unite with real friends in order to attack real enemies." 10 This should be considered the historical starting point for the Sinicization of Marxism. Had he mechanically applied the Marxism based on the class struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie and the proletarian socialist revolution, it would have been impossible for Mao Zedong to propose the "question of the first importance" for the Chinese revolution.
Practice proved that Mao Zedong was a true Marxist. On one hand, in his 1925 Analysis of the Classes in Chinese Society, he did not mechanically copy the conclusions Marx drew from criticizing the particularity of European capitalist society. Consequently, the results of his analysis differed significantly from Marx’s analysis of class relations in European capitalist society: he identified imperialism and the landlord class as the primary enemies and divided the bourgeoisie into three (comprador, middle, and petty bourgeoisie), marking out a wide middle ground (i.e., "friends") between the industrial proletariat and imperialism, the landlord class, and the comprador class. On the other hand, Mao Zedong's analytical tool was to judge political attitudes by starting from the economic status of each class. This is precisely the universality of the theory of basic social contradictions in historical materialism. As he said: "To distinguish real friends from real enemies, we must make a general analysis of the economic status of the various classes in Chinese society and of their respective attitudes towards the revolution." 10 At the same time, from the very beginning, Mao Zedong examined the changes in Chinese class relations within a global perspective, noting: "The landlord class and the comprador class are wholly appendages of the international bourgeoisie, depending upon imperialism for their survival and growth." 10 This is a paradigm of concretely applying the universality of the worldview and the universality of the specific conclusions contained in Marxism to the particularity of China’s reality.
Thereafter, in the process of leading the practice of the Chinese revolution and progressively forming the general line of the New Democratic Revolution, Mao Zedong—facing new shifts in class relations—consistently adhered to the doctrine of the basic contradictions of society, embodying the organic unity of historical materialism and historical dialectics. This is evidenced by his analysis of the formation of China’s semi-colonial and semi-feudal society, which was based on the fact that while the development of a commodity economy had already germinated the seeds of capitalism, the invasion of foreign capitalism both promoted the disintegration of China's feudal economic base and colluded with Chinese feudal forces to suppress the development of capitalism. On this basis, he formulated the New Democratic nature of the Chinese revolution. Simultaneously, in his analysis of the objects, tasks, driving forces, nature, and future of the Chinese revolution, he maintained an international perspective. As he stated: "At that time, the only foreigners who were progressive were the Western capitalist countries; they had successfully built modern bourgeois states." 5 "But the Chinese revolution is situated in the new international environment of the 1930s and 1940s—an international environment where socialism is on the rise and capitalism is in decline, in an era of World War II and revolution. Thus, there can be no doubt that the ultimate future of the Chinese revolution is not capitalist, but socialist and communist." 14
Thirdly, the internal connotation and external extension of "the Sinicization of Marxism." If we say that the proposition of "the Sinicization of Marxism," with which we are familiar and accustomed today, tends to focus on the results—namely, the theoretical achievements of Sinicized Marxism—due to it being a "retrospective" look at history, then the proposition of "the Sinicization of Marxism" put forward by Mao Zedong at that time focused more on emphasizing its necessity and the practical process. Therefore, regarding the proposition as it was then formulated, its connotation was to treat Marxism as a guide to action. Its primary goal was to sweep away dogmatist thinking and apply the universality of Marxism to study the particularity of Chinese society and the Chinese revolution. For "the error of our dogmatists on this question is that, on the one hand, they do not understand that it is necessary to study the particularity of contradiction and to know the particular essence of individual things before it is possible to fully know the universality of contradiction and the common essence of various things; on the other hand, they do not understand that after we have known the common essence of things, we must continue to study concrete things that have not yet been deeply studied or have newly emerged." 13
Furthermore, the integration of the universality of Marxist truth with the particularity of China's national conditions was not only formal but, more importantly, substantive, appearing primarily in three aspects: First, "applying Marxism to the concrete struggle in the concrete environment of China," 8 which means applying it according to China’s characteristics. This "concrete environment of China" naturally includes the international environment—namely, the dual influence of the "world history" [4] brought about by capitalism and the new epoch of history opened by the October Revolution on China's national conditions. Second, "combining it with national characteristics and expressing it through a definite national form." 14 Only in this way can the popularization of Marxism be realized, thereby transforming it into a practical force. In Analysis of the Classes in Chinese Society, Mao Zedong used the distinction between "enemies, ourselves, and friends" as the problem-oriented focal point of his argument, which fully embodied Chinese traditional culture and discourse, distinguishing it from the European cultural tradition of "binary opposition." Third, "making the rich practice of the Chinese revolution Marxist." 15 This is an inherent meaning of "the Sinicization of Marxism." It not only reflects the dialectical relationship between theory and practice in epistemology—moving from theory guiding practice to practice ascending to theory—but also reflects the concreteness of Marxism in dialectics—moving from universality to particularity and then ascending from particularity to a new universality.
It can be seen that Mao Zedong not only successfully integrated Marxism with Chinese reality in the process of leading the Chinese revolution, thereby answering the question of "what is the Chinese revolution and how to conduct such a revolution," but also further explored a "second integration" with the reality of China's construction. In the early days of the People's Republic, we mainly learned from Soviet experience and achieved certain results. However, indiscriminately copying the Soviet experience did not fully conform to China's national conditions. Precisely Because of this, in his 1956 speech at the enlarged meeting of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee and his report On the Ten Major Relationships, Mao Zedong proposed: "We must carry out a second integration to find a path for building socialism in China... In construction, we should consider whether we can do without or use fewer of the Soviet Union's 'crutches,' and not copy the Soviet system as we did during the First Five-Year Plan." 16 "It is particularly worth noting that recently the Soviet side has exposed some of their shortcomings and mistakes in the process of building socialism. Do you still want to take the detours they have taken?... Now, of course, we must take them as a warning even more." 17 This exploration achieved great success and accumulated rich experience. Regrettably, the construction of socialism subsequently gradually deviated from Chinese reality. Movements like the "Great Leap Forward" and the People's Commune Movement divorced themselves from China’s reality and ignored economic laws, leading to a crisis in China's national economy. In particular, the "ten years of internal turmoil" [5] of the "Cultural Revolution" caused socialist construction to suffer a major setback. The most fundamental lesson it left us is that advancing "the Sinicization of Marxism" is an eternal proposition for a Marxist party. As Xi Jinping pointed out: "Why the CPC works, and why socialism with Chinese characteristics is good, boils down to the fact that Marxism works, and Sinicized and modernized Marxism works." 4
II. The Lineal Succession of the Proposition of "the Sinicization and Modernization of Marxism" from "the Sinicization of Marxism"
The progression of Marxism from being "brought in" [6] to being "Sinicized" and then to being "Sinicized and modernized" is the inevitable logic of the development of Marxism, and also the historical logic of the CPC's application of Marxism. Within this developmental logic, both "the Sinicization of Marxism" and "the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism" emphasize the process of making Chinese experience Marxist through integration with China's concrete reality—granting Marxism national characteristics while also providing it with a global vision. This is where the latter stands in lineal succession to the former.
First, both emphasize making Chinese practical experience Marxist in the process of integrating Marxism with China's concrete reality. Whether it is "the Sinicization of Marxism" or "the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism," both—through the interaction of theory and practice—create new theoretical achievements by summarizing original experiences generated in the process of using Marxism to solve China's practical problems, thereby enriching and developing Marxism. Mao Zedong Thought answered the questions of "what is the Chinese revolution and how to conduct such a revolution" under the era conditions of imperialist war and proletarian revolution and the national conditions of a semi-colonial and semi-feudal society—namely, that the Chinese revolution must proceed in "two steps." The theory of socialism with Chinese characteristics, pioneered by Deng Xiaoping, answered the questions of "what is socialism and how to build socialism" under the era conditions of peace and development and the historical conditions of the primary stage of socialism—namely, that the essence of socialism is to liberate and develop the productive forces, eliminate exploitation, eliminate polarization, and ultimately achieve common prosperity, realizing socialist modernization by focusing on economic construction and adhering to reform and opening up and the Four Cardinal Principles. Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era further answers major questions under the conditions of the overall strategy of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation and the world's once-in-a-century great changes: what kind of socialism with Chinese characteristics to adhere to and develop and how to adhere to and develop it; what kind of great modern socialist country to build and how to build it; and what kind of long-term governing Marxist party to build and how to build it. This involves adhering to the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics and a people-centered approach, promoting the modernization of the national governance system and governance capacity, persisting in and strengthening the Party's overall leadership, and persisting in comprehensively and strictly governing the Party to build a great modern socialist country.
Second, both emphasize that the application and development of Marxism must be integrated with traditional Chinese culture. Mao Zedong pointed out: "To clarify the developmental process of ancient culture, to discard its feudal dross and absorb its democratic essence, is a necessary condition for developing a new national culture and increasing national self-confidence." 14 Therefore, the primary attribute of the New Democratic culture he proposed was "national," emphasizing that "the China of today has developed from the China of the past. We are Marxist historicists; we must not patch up history. From Confucius to Sun Yat-sen, we should summarize and inherit this precious legacy. This is of significant help in guiding the current great movement." 14 The discourse system of Mao Zedong Thought inherited and developed the excellent elements of the Chinese nation's cultural tradition, absorbed and integrated Chinese folk culture and social psychology, and refined discourse materials that were popular with the masses. Xi Jinping further emphasized: "To persist in and develop Marxism, we must integrate it with the fine traditional Chinese culture. Only by taking root in the fertile soil of our own country and national history and culture can the tree of Marxist truth flourish." 4 At the same time, he also pointed out that even for the fine traditional Chinese culture, we must persist in creative transformation and innovative development. This is also in lineal succession to Mao Zedong's methodology of "taking the essence and discarding the dross," "making the past serve the present," and "weeding through the old to bring forth the new." [7]
Third, both place the application and development of Marxism within a global coordinate system. When Mao Zedong proposed "the Sinicization of Marxism," he based it on an examination of the "tremendous changes" in the relationship between Chinese society/revolution and the world—changes "unparalleled since the beginning of world history and Chinese history." This led to the conclusion that the Chinese democratic revolution "is no longer part of the old bourgeois revolution, but part of the new socialist revolution." 14 Thus, Chinese Communists are unifiers of patriotism and internationalism. During the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, Mao Zedong pointed out: "The great Chinese resistance is not only a matter for China and the East, but also for the whole world." 15 After the founding of New China, the large slogan on the east side of the Tiananmen Rostrum read, "Long Live the Great Unity of the People of the World!" During the period of socialist revolution and construction, Mao Zedong always hoped for a peaceful international environment to concentrate forces on domestic construction and proposed the strategy of building a broad international united front against imperialism and hegemonism. Xi Jinping has placed the strategic goal of building a great modern socialist country upon the basic judgment that "humanity has become a community with a shared future where we are part of one another, interests are highly integrated, and we are interdependent," 18 thus proposing to coordinate the two major situations: the "overall strategy of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation" and the "world’s once-in-a-century great changes."
III. The Deepening and Elevation of "the Sinicization of Marxism" by the Proposition of "the Sinicization and Modernization of Marxism"
The deepening and elevation of "the Sinicization of Marxism" by the proposition of "the Sinicization and Modernization of Marxism" does not lie simply in the addition of the noun "modernization" (shìdàihuà), because the "Sinicization of Marxism," while emphasizing "localization" (běntǔhuà), already contained the element of modernization. While inheriting the basic elements of the "Sinicization of Marxism," the "Sinicization and Modernization of Marxism" deepens the connotation of modernization by moving toward "globalization" (shìjièhuà). The world has entered great changes unseen in a century, and the CPC has created a Chinese path to modernization; not only can China's development not be separated from the world, but the world's development also needs China. Against this historical background, making the rich practice of the Chinese path to modernization Marxist serves to continuously open new horizons for the development of 21st-century Marxism, allowing contemporary Chinese Marxism to radiate a more brilliant light of truth. This is the inevitable requirement for elevating its modernization based on inheriting and opening new horizons for the Sinicization of Marxism.
First, the realization of the integration of Marxism with the fine traditional Chinese culture serves to consolidate the historical foundation for the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism. If our previous understanding of the "Sinicization of Marxism" included the combination of Marxism with Chinese national forms to achieve its popularization, then Xi Jinping, in discussing the opening of a new realm in the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism, has further elevated the importance of integrating Marxism with fine traditional Chinese culture. He pointed out that this is not only a necessity for strengthening historical and cultural confidence, but more importantly, a necessity for consolidating the historical foundation of the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism.
Xi Jinping has provided a profound exposition on the contemporary value of Marxism, noting: "No matter how the times change or how science progresses, Marxism still demonstrates the mighty power of scientific thought and still occupies the commanding heights of truth and morality." 23 The reason Marxism still possesses the contemporary value of truth and morality lies in the scientific nature and people-oriented character of its theory. As Xi Jinping stated: "Marxism is a scientific theory that creatively reveals the laws of development of human society... It pointed out the path for humanity to leap from the realm of necessity to the realm of freedom, and pointed out the road for the people to achieve freedom and liberation. Marxism is a theory of the people; it is the first ideological system established for the people to achieve their own liberation. Marxism is broad and profound, but in the final analysis, it can be summarized in one sentence: seeking liberation for humanity." 24 The unity of the scientific and people-oriented nature of Marxism, or the consistency between its truth and morality, constitutes what Lenin called a "scientific ideology."
To open a new realm in the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism today, we must further highlight the truth and morality of Marxism. Xi Jinping has always emphasized that the Communist Party of China (CPC) must provide Chinese wisdom and Chinese solutions for solving human problems. Fine traditional Chinese culture contains many elements of wisdom and morality unique to the Chinese nation. These include wisdom such as "the Great Way is simple" [8], "great wisdom appears like folly" [9], "capacity is made great by inclusiveness" [10], "the highest good is like water" [11], "heaven rewards the diligent" [12], "laws bring peace to the world" [13], "virtue moistens the heart" [14], "moving steadily to go far" [15], and "governing a large country is like cooking a small fish" [16]. It also includes moral concepts such as "the world belongs to the public" [17], "the people are the foundation of the state" [18], "great virtue carries all things" [19], "appointing people on their merit," "upholding integrity and promoting harmony," "boundless great love," "being kind and neighborly to others," "revering justice," and "seeking Great Unity" [20]. By conducting the creative transformation and innovative development of these elements of wisdom and morality through a Marxist lens, we can further demonstrate the truth and morality of Marxism as we pursue progress for humanity and Great Unity for the world through Chinese wisdom and Chinese solutions.
Second, the commitment to creating Chinese-path modernization imparts global significance to the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism in practice. If our previous understanding of the "Sinicization of Marxism" included examining the problems of the Chinese revolution within a global coordinate system to focus on "localization," then the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism emphasized by Xi Jinping does more than just examine the strategic overall situation of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation against the backdrop of "changes unseen in a century" [21]. It also aims to demonstrate the global significance of contemporary Chinese Marxism by contributing a new form of human advancement through the creation of Chinese-path modernization.
As early as the basic completion of China's socialist transformation, Mao Zedong began to explore a path of socialist industrialization suited to China's national conditions. Deng Xiaoping opened up China's path to modernization through reform and opening up. Since the entry of socialism with Chinese characteristics into the New Era, Xi Jinping has achieved a higher level of theoretical self-awareness regarding the path of Chinese-path modernization, thereby forming the theory of Chinese-path modernization. This represents a major development of the theory of scientific socialism.
Xi Jinping has expounded on the Chinese characteristics, essential requirements, and major principles of Chinese-path modernization, as well as a roadmap and timetable for a series of development strategies and goals to build a great modern socialist country. These constitute the rich internal and external connotations of Chinese-path modernization. The five major Chinese characteristics—a huge population, common prosperity for all, coordination between material and cultural-ethical breakthroughs, harmony between humanity and nature, and the path of peaceful development—are not mere external features. Rather, they are essential connotations because they aim to solve major problems that capitalist modernization was unable to fully resolve due to its basic social contradictions. Even the "huge population" is not merely a quantitative issue; it involves huge developmental imbalances caused by per capita resource holdings being lower than the world average, as well as ethnic and regional differences—difficulties that capitalism did not encounter during its modernization process. These Chinese characteristics determine the essential requirements of Chinese-path modernization: "upholding the leadership of the Communist Party of China and socialism with Chinese characteristics, pursuing high-quality development, developing whole-process people's democracy, enriching the people’s cultural-ethical lives, achieving common prosperity for all, promoting harmony between humanity and nature, building a community with a shared future for humanity, and creating a new form of human advancement." 8 They also dictate the major principles that must be grasped on the journey ahead.
Xi Jinping pointed out: "The Communist Party of China is a party that seeks happiness for the Chinese people and rejuvenation for the Chinese nation; it is also a party that seeks progress for humanity and Great Unity for the world. We must expand our global vision, gain a profound insight into the trends of human development and progress, respond actively to the universal concerns of people in all countries, and contribute to solving the common problems facing humanity. With an open mind that embraces all, we should draw on and assimilate all the outstanding achievements of human civilization and promote the building of a better world." 8 Chinese-path modernization both upholds the basic principles of scientific socialism and represents a major development of its theory and practice. It transcends capitalist modernization by giving modernization new connotations, and it transcends the Soviet model of socialism by giving socialism new connotations. It embodies both the diversity of the paths of human civilization and the diversity of the paths of socialist development. The new form of human advancement it strives to create imparts global significance to contemporary Chinese Marxism.
Third, the development of 21st-century Marxism embodies the ideological content of the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism on a theoretical level. If our previous understanding of the "Sinicization of Marxism" focused on developing Marxism while solving Chinese problems, then Xi Jinping’s emphasis on opening a new realm in the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism requires elevating the "Sinicization" of Marxism to a "globalization" to develop 21st-century Marxism, thereby deepening the ideological connotation of "modernization" (of Marxism).
Developing 21st-century Marxism is not only about seeking theoretical guidance for an international environment conducive to China's development, nor is it merely about providing a theoretical reference for modernization in countries that are economically and culturally backward. Rather, it is about committing to providing Chinese wisdom and Chinese solutions for solving the common problems facing humanity, and making greater contributions to the noble cause of seeking progress for humanity and Great Unity for the world. It must answer the "Questions of China," the "Questions of the World," and the "Questions of the Times," thereby gaining the discourse power of 21st-century Marxism in the contemporary world. This requires "basing ourselves on the characteristics of the times, advancing the modernization of Marxism, better utilizing Marxism to observe, interpret, and lead the times, truly understanding the issues of the times we face, and profoundly grasping the pulse and direction of world history." 22
Marxism distilled the universality of the laws of human social development based on a critique of the particularities of the basic contradictions of 19th-century European capitalist society. Therefore, to develop 21st-century Marxism, we must study the particular manifestations of the universal laws of human social development in the 21st century, especially the new changes in the basic contradictions of capitalist society and their impact on the global landscape and even socialist modernization. As Xi Jinping profoundly pointed out: "The global landscape is in a historical process of accelerated evolution, generating a large number of profound and complex realistic problems and putting forward a large number of theoretical topics in urgent need of answers. This requires us to strengthen our research on contemporary capitalism, analyze and grasp the various changes and their essence, and deepen our systematic understanding of the profound and complex changes in capitalism and international political and economic relations." 22 Because foreign Marxism has a comparative advantage in the study of contemporary capitalism—particularly in its critical revelation of the structural contradictions of capitalism and its in-depth analysis of the evolutionary process and new forms of capitalism—we need to strengthen exchanges and mutual learning with foreign Marxists to help us accurately grasp the new changes, features, and trends of contemporary capitalism. In short, we need to confront research on the impact of economic globalization, world multi-polarization, and social informatization on the development of the entire world to deepen our understanding of the universal laws of human social development, thereby allowing 21st-century Marxism to continue occupying the commanding heights of truth.
Marxism did not talk loosely about human liberation like the Utopian socialists; rather, by demonstrating the consistency between the liberation of the proletariat and the interests of human liberation, it explored the necessity and possibility of realizing an "association of free individuals." In proposing the building of a "community with a shared future for humanity," Xi Jinping pointed out: "We must respect the right of the people of all countries to independently choose their own paths of development, safeguard international fairness and justice, advocate for the democratization of international relations, oppose imposing one's will on others, oppose interfering in other countries' internal affairs, and oppose the strong bullying the weak." 25 This is a subversion of the capitalist value of "the law of the jungle" and a correction of the unjust and unreasonable world relations dominated by capitalism; it is therefore the inevitable path toward the Marxist goal of "human liberation" under new historical conditions. The value foundation for building a "community with a shared future for humanity" is the "common values of humanity" proposed by Xi Jinping: "peace, development, fairness, justice, democracy, and freedom." This foundation incorporates elements of the Socialist Core Values—such as prosperity, democracy, harmony, freedom, equality, and justice—and embodies the value standard of "respecting the diversity of world civilizations and ensuring that cultural exchanges transcend estrangement, mutual learning transcends clashes, and coexistence transcends feelings of superiority." 8 It rejects the so-called "universal values" and "clash of civilizations" theories advocated by bourgeois thinkers, thereby enabling 21st-century Marxism to continue occupying the commanding heights of morality.
In summary, precisely because Marxism is concrete, it requires and is capable of Sinicization. In the process of continuously advancing Sinicization, it is inevitably necessary to enrich the connotations of its modernization (of the times), so that the "Sinicization and modernization of Marxism" (马克思主义中国化时代化) is both a direct continuation and a deepened elevation of the "Sinicization of Marxism" (马克思主义的中国化).