An Beijiang: Civilizational Narratives and Political-Cultural Logic in the Construction of the Community of the Chinese Nation
The construction of the community for the Chinese nation is an inevitable requirement for realizing the Great Rejuvenation of the Chinese Nation and a major strategic deployment of the Party’s ethnic work in the New Era. General Secretary Xi Jinping has pointed out that we must "continuously advance the construction of the community for the Chinese nation," "insist on taking the advancement of the construction of the community for the Chinese nation as the main line of work in border ethnic areas," and "whether issuing laws and regulations or policy measures, we must focus on strengthening the commonality of the Chinese nation and enhancing the sense of community for the Chinese nation." The core of constructing the community for the Chinese nation lies in deepening the identification of all ethnic groups with the community for the Chinese nation, promoting ethnic unity, maintaining national unity, and achieving common prosperity. Currently, research on the construction of the community for the Chinese nation primarily unfolds at the theoretical and practical levels, involving multiple perspectives such as modern state-building, textual interpretation, ethnic relations, territorial space construction, cultural identity, macro-theory, and case-study practice. However, few results discuss the historical-cultural implications and practical logic of constructing the community for the Chinese nation. The construction of the community for the Chinese nation is a process of continuously enhancing national cohesion on the basis of the "pluralistic unity" [1] pattern. Regarding the specific practice of constructing the community for the Chinese nation, ideological construction is even more important. Taking the idea of Great Unification [2] as its logical starting point, this article systematically explains the historical transmutation from the "All-under-Heaven" view to the "Unification" view, revealing the political and cultural characteristics of the national community. First, by analyzing the historical logic and ethico-moral dimensions of cultural identity, it demonstrates its role in value cohesion as a spiritual bond for the construction of the community for the Chinese nation. Second, proceeding from the triple logic of ethnic "intermingling, exchange, and integration" [3], it deeply analyzes the interaction paradigms in the formation and development of the community for the Chinese nation. Third, it examines the evolutionary laws of ethnic intermingling, exchange, and integration from a historical dimension while exploring innovative development mechanisms for ethnic mutual embedding from a realistic dimension.
I. The Idea of Great Unification: The Ideological Foundation for Constructing the Community for the Chinese Nation
As a vital political and cultural concept in China, Great Unification (Dàyītǒng) serves as the ideological foundation for constructing the community for the Chinese nation. The idea of Great Unification is reflected not only in the integration of geographical territory but more so in multiple dimensions such as political systems, cultural identity, and social order. In the contemporary era, it has been endowed with new connotations of the times, becoming a spiritual bond for maintaining national unity and promoting ethnic solidarity. Different from Western nation-state theories, the idea of Great Unification emphasizes historical continuity and the unity of China, involving major issues such as national identity, state governance, frontier governance, and the development of the Chinese nation. For historical China, Great Unification tilted more toward state attributes, focusing on handling national identity issues triggered by territory and ethnic groups. The initial design of Great Unification emphasized the legitimacy of political power and the rational construction of political order; it was a combination of ideological form and political practice. Capable monarchs of successive dynasties all took Great Unification as their political goal, though in fact, most did not realize the magnificent atmosphere of unifying "All-under-Heaven." At this level, Great Unification became a technique of power manipulation for capable monarchs of various eras. When the idea of Great Unification was not put into practice, the method of demarcating boundaries by ethnic group (distinction) was often adopted to promote the "distinction between Hua and Yi" [4]; Great Unification thus became a composite view of territory bundled with geographical boundaries, administrative governance, and cultural identity. Consequently, Great Unification not only became the core paradigm of the traditional Chinese view of territory but also, through the dual paths of institutional construction and ideological integration, gradually established the structural framework of the political community, which was progressively internalized into the spiritual core of the sense of community for the Chinese nation during historical evolution.
1. Historical Origins: The Ideological Flux from the "All-under-Heaven" View to the "Unification" View
National unity and political integration are the mainstream trends of historical development. The ideological flux from the "All-under-Heaven" view (Tianxia guan) to the "Unification" view (Yitong guan) reflects the mutually constitutive evolutionary model between ancient Chinese political philosophy and the sense of community for the Chinese nation, profoundly revealing the historical logic of the "pluralistic unity" of the Chinese nation. Its process of flux embodies both the practical cognition of geographical space and the bidirectional adjustment between cultural identity and political integration. The people of the Zhou dynasty constructed a political "hierarchical structure" [5] centered on the Son of Heaven through the enfeoffment system, combining geographical space with patriarchal ethics. The Confucian school used the idealized "All-under-Heaven" where one "cultivates civil virtue to attract those afar" to break through bloodline limitations and construct a cultural community. Mencius, through the reconstruction of the philosophy of the "Way of Governance" characterized by "settling in unity," established an ethical dimension for the legitimacy of royal power on the basis of "Heaven's mandate is not constant" and "the people are the foundation of the state." These three historical turning points together forged the composite civilizational genes of the idea of Great Unification. The idea of Great Unification sprouted in the Spring and Autumn period and took shape in the Warring States period. Concepts such as "Great Unification" in the Gongyang Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals (Year One of Duke Yin), "Under the vast heaven, there is no land which is not the king's; within the shores of the earth, there are none who are not the king's subjects" from the Classic of Poetry (Minor Court Hymns: Beishan), and ideas like the "Nine Provinces of the World" and "delineating the state and managing the wilds" from the Warring States period—all contain the value pursuit of national unity and political integration.
During the Qin and Han periods, the idea of Great Unification gradually became the mainstream thought. The commandery-county system [6] reified the "All-under-Heaven" view into an operable administrative system. Dong Zhongshu believed that "the 'Great Unification' of the Spring and Autumn Annals is the constant warp of heaven and earth, and the universal principle of past and present" (Book of Han: Biography of Dong Zhongshu). Along with the unification of All-under-Heaven, the subject status of the Han ethnicity became increasingly prominent. The Central Plains regimes, with the Han ethnicity as the main body, occupied fertile lands and possessed a large population; they were superior to surrounding ethnic groups in terms of productive forces and cultural development levels, gradually forming a "historical whirlpool." Therefore, the Huaxia national group centered on the Han ethnicity became the prototype of the later pluralistic unity pattern. The high maturity of Central Plains culture caused surrounding ethnic groups to develop a "longing for the Hua" (China) sentiment. The Han dynasty's policy of "dismissing the hundred schools and honoring only Confucianism" elevated Confucian thought to the core value system of the Great Unification regime. This thought not only became the model for the ideological orthodoxy of successive dynasties but also became the cultural foundation for the "distinction between Yi and Xia," which successive dynasties used to "moisten the four directions with virtue and transform the Yi and Di" [7]. The institutional innovations in the intermingling of the Hu (nomadic peoples) and Han during the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties accelerated the "Sinicization" process of frontier ethnic regimes. The imperial examination system of the Sui and Tang and the "North-South Dual Administration" [8] of the Liao and Jin broke the monopoly of the great clans and deepened the pluralistic unity pattern. This fully proves that the formation of the community for the Chinese nation was not a simple cultural assimilation or military conquest, but rather the realization of political integration while maintaining cultural diversity through continuous value reconstruction and institutional innovation. In short, the idea of Great Unification became one of the important ideological foundations for maintaining the centralized multi-ethnic state.
2. Institutional Resilience: The Governance Dialectics of Dynamic Equilibrium
In the dimension of historical practice, China's historical practice of Great Unification was by no means a simple history of territorial expansion, but rather an evolutionary history of using institutional innovation to solve civilizational governance challenges. Successive dynasties, through the iterative evolution of governance methods, built the "Chinese Paradigm" for the governance of a multi-ethnic state. The practice of Great Unification began with the commandery-county system reform of the Qin dynasty and, after the ideological integration of the Han dynasty, formed an institutional framework of "standardized gauges for carriages, a unified script for writing, uniform weights and measures, and shared ethical norms." The Qin commandery-county system broke the shackles of feudal patriarchal law and pioneered a "Center–Commandery/County–Township/Village" vertical management system. Meanwhile, Great Unification at the ideological and practical levels of the Han dynasty shaped a governance community from four dimensions: geographical units, cultural symbols, economic foundations, and social norms, constituting the four pillars of the "Great Unification" governance model in ancient China. Specifically, standardized carriage gauges broke through geographical barriers; the unification of script solved information asymmetry; the reform of weights and measures laid a common economic foundation; and ethical integration created a consensus on values. The systems of the Qin and Han had a profound impact on later generations, and many regimes carried out flexible institutional reforms under the influence of Great Unification thought. The Jimi (loose rein) system of the Tang dynasty resolved the centrifugal forces of the borderlands by "governing according to local customs"; the province system of the Yuan dynasty broke geographical secessionist tendencies through "interlocking jagged teeth" [9]; the "replacing local chieftains with appointed officials" (Gaitu guiliu) policy of the Qing dynasty realized the integration of the borderlands into the interior through "gradual substitution." These institutional designs broke the limitations of pure military conquest. Simultaneously, through the imperial examination system, elite selection was transformed from a monopoly by powerful clans to intellectual competition. The bureaucratic system and the code of laws built a governance network spanning regions and ethnic groups, forming standards of order that transcended geography. The process of continuously perfecting institutional design and governance systems was also the process of the community for the Chinese nation persisting through self-adjustment. In other words, the manifestation of Great Unification at the level of systems and governance is the dialectical unity of institutional resilience and cultural vitality. The dynamic equilibrium between the two was constructed primarily through "inheritance and reform" (yīngé sǔnyì) to build a continuous lineage of institutional evolution. Within the institutional framework of the interbedding of "rites and laws" and the value consensus of "self-cultivation, family regulation, state governance, and bringing peace to the world," the paradigm shift from instrumental rationality to value rationality was achieved. Through the bidirectional interaction of institutional supply and cultural identity, the spatial integration of the political community and the sublimation of the governance wisdom of Chinese civilization were completed.
3. Practical Forging: A Political-Cultural Community Transcending Ethnicity
Great Unification is not merely political unity, but more so a unity of thought and culture. The spatial governance system of Great Unification constructed during the Qin and Han periods formed a multi-layered administrative control network through the combination of the commandery-county system and the bureaucracy, laying the structural foundation for the continuation of the community for the Chinese nation. Dong Zhongshu’s theory of "interaction between Heaven and Mankind" [10] constructed a cosmological interpretation that fused Yin-Yang and the Five Elements with Confucian ethics; this provided a metaphysical philosophical basis for imperial rule while also forming a mechanism of "omens and calamities" to restrain the monarch’s power. Sima Qian’s historical narrative framework of "exploring the boundary between Heaven and Mankind and understanding the changes from past to present" not only established the writing paradigm for the continuity of Huaxia civilization but also, in the time dimension, shaped an awareness of institutional inheritance: "the politics of the Qin have been followed for a hundred generations, and the heart of the First Emperor has been used for ten thousand years." These three dimensions of civilizational construction—the institutional rigidity of spatial governance, the philosophical speculation of the Heaven-man interaction, and the historical consciousness of continuity through change—together constitute the core paradigm of the evolution of Chinese civilization, completing the creative transformation of previous political and cultural heritage at the levels of political practice and civilizational concepts.
Whether during periods of dynastic unity or division, the unification of "All-under-Heaven" was always the political ambition of the founders of regimes. As Fu Jian of the Former Qin said after unifying the north: "I have inherited the great undertaking for nearly twenty years, weeding out the filth and pacifying the four directions. Only the southeast corner remains unsubmissive to the King's transformation. Whenever I think of the world not being one, I often stop eating in the middle of a meal" (Book of Jin: Records of Fu Jian). The Sui and Tang ended more than 300 years of political division. Emperor Taizong of Tang broke the inherent idea that "if they are not of our race, their hearts must be different" and engaged in heart-to-heart exchanges with frontier ethnic groups. In the ninth year of Wude (626 CE), he overruled all objections, believing that "a King views the four seas as one family; within the borders, all are my children" (Zizhi Tongjian: Tang Records 8). In the first year of Zhenguan (627 CE), he said, "I take All-under-Heaven as my home." In the 18th year of Zhenguan (644 CE), he pointed out: "The Yi and Di are also human; their feelings are no different from those in the Central Kingdom. A ruler should worry only if his virtue and kindness do not reach them, and need not be suspicious of different kinds. If virtue and kindness are pervasive, the four Yi can be made like one family; if there is much suspicion, even blood relatives cannot avoid becoming enemies" (Zizhi Tongjian: Tang Records 13). He believed that frontier ethnic groups and the Huaxia people were the same; a monarch should win over the world with virtue and should not indulge in wild suspicions that breed hatred among brotherly ethnic groups. He viewed "Yi-Di" and "Zhonghua" as one family, declaring: "Since ancient times, all have valued the Zhonghua and despised the Yi and Di; I alone love them as one" (Zizhi Tongjian: Tang Records 14), thus articulating the concept of "China as one family." The Yuan dynasty realized Great Unification once again; the frontier political forces of the Tang and Song eras were directly replaced by the province system or the Tusi [11] (native chieftain) system in the Yuan. The Yongzheng Emperor of the Qing believed that China's Great Unification began with the Qin, the unification of China by tribes from beyond the passes began with the Yuan, and reached its peak in the Qing. "Our dynasty laid its foundation on the shores of the Eastern Sea, unified the various states, and rules over All-under-Heaven. The lineage we have inherited is the lineage of one family, internal and external, since the time of Yao and Shun; the people we employ—large and small, civil and military—are the people of one family, internal and external; the policies we implement—rites, music, and military expeditions—are the policies of one family, internal and external" (Veritable Records of the Qing: Veritable Records of Shizong). In modern times, during the struggle against imperialism and feudalism, the national consciousness of the Chinese nation surged and national cohesion strengthened, gradually transforming from an "ethnic entity-in-itself" into an "ethnic entity-for-itself."
4. Political Efficacy: The Civilizational State Paradigm of Pluralistic Unity
The political tradition of Great Unification and the civilizational pattern of "pluralistic unity" together constitute China's civilizational state paradigm. Through the practice of a centralized administrative system, the idea of Great Unification forms a governance of an ultra-large-scale state; through the interaction between farming and nomadism, Central Plains and borderlands, and Huaxia and frontier peoples, the "pluralistic unity" civilizational pattern eventually forms the characteristic of an inclusive "Cultural China." The political efficacy of integration provides institutional guarantees for civilizational exchange and intermingling, while the inclusiveness of the civilizational form dissolves the tension between regions and ethnic groups.
The idea of Great Unification is an important "code" for the long-lasting vitality of the Chinese nation and the logical main line of the historical development of the Chinese nation. Concepts such as Great Harmony (Datong), Harmony (Hehe), and Republic (Gonghe) are all extensions of the idea of Great Unification. In the course of history, the idea of Great Unification has always played a role in maintaining social stability and ethnic unity. The core essence of Great Unification is the pursuit of political unity; in practice, people do not exclude each other because of the identity of the regime's founder, but rather reach a political consensus under certain cultural standards, forming national cohesion.
"No matter which ethnic group entered and ruled the Central Plains, they took the unification of 'all under heaven' as their own responsibility and regarded themselves as the orthodox heirs of Chinese culture." During the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties, after the regimes of the northern peoples sought to control "China," they began to establish era names and proclaim themselves emperors. They considered their regimes to be the legitimate successions of China’s dynastic cycles, competing for the status of "Chinese" orthodoxy. After the "Disorder of Yongjia" [12], Liu Yuan, the founder of the Han-Zhao state, styled himself as the successor to the Han Dynasty. Hoisting the banner of universal orthodoxy, he declared: "How can the position of emperor be fixed? Great Yu came from the West Rong and King Wen was born among the East Yi; it depends only on where virtue is bestowed... Moreover, I am a nephew of the Han clan and we have a fraternal pact. Is it not fitting for the younger brother to succeed the elder who has passed? Furthermore, we may call our state 'Han' and offer posthumous honors to the Last Emperor [of Shu Han] to satisfy the people’s hopes" (Book of Jin: Record of Liu Yuanhai). Emperor Xiaowen (Tuoba Hong) of the Northern Wei moved the capital to Luoyang and implemented a policy of "Han-ization," which became a significant hallmark of practicing Great Unity. By the era of the Song, Liao, Western Xia, and Jin, both the Khitan Liao and the Jurchen Jin called themselves "China." Yelü Abaoji regarded himself as the orthodox heir to the political legacy of the Great Tang. Yuanhao, the founder of the Western Xia regime, called himself "Wuzu" even before declaring himself emperor, a title equivalent to the Son of Heaven of the Central Plains. He referred to the Chinese Son of Heaven as the "Yellow Son of Heaven" and called himself the "Blue Son of Heaven": "At that time, Yuanhao had called himself Wuzu for several years. Wuzu means 'Blue Son of Heaven' in the Chinese tongue, while China is called the 'Yellow Son of Heaven'" (Extended Continuation of the Zizhi Tongjian). To construct the legitimacy of their regime, the Tangut royal family claimed the Tuoba clan of the Northern Wei as their ancestors: "My ancestors' original state was the old realm of Emperor Helian of the Latter Wei, a legacy left by the Tuoba" (Extended Continuation of the Zizhi Tongjian). After the establishment of the Yuan Dynasty, they not only adopted Han-style era names but also followed the Han system in establishing the Imperial Ancestral Temple, designating temple names and posthumous titles for the previous rulers of the Mongol Empire, thereby inheriting the ritual traditions of the Central Plains dynasties. It is evident that the construction of the state order by these dynastic regimes consistently included the initiative of emulating Han systems and practicing the ideology of Great Unity. The integrity of historical development and the reconstruction of state order are intertwined. Concepts such as "unifying the universe," "the sky has no two suns and the land has no two kings," "all within the four seas are as one family," "uniting the six directions," "harmonizing the internal and external," and "the world settled in unity" share the same lineage as forging the sense of community for the Chinese nation. The construction of the Chinese nation community is a modern transformation of traditional governance wisdom. The ideology of Great Unity has exerted a profound psychological influence on the Chinese people, not only forging an identification among all ethnic groups that prizes political stability above all other factors, but also becoming the most reliable source of political culture for modern nationalism. Great Unity is the most effective model for economizing the costs of rule, transforming "China" into a multi-ethnic community recognized by the majority. The ideology of Great Unity provides a theoretical and practical paradigm for the long-term peace and stability of a multi-ethnic "civilizational state," and offers Chinese experience for the dialogue of civilizations in the era of economic globalization.
II. Cultural Identity: The Ideological Core of Constructing the Chinese Nation Community
The term "identity" (认同 rentong) originally belonged to the ontological terminology of classical philosophy. After being elaborated upon by psychology, it was eventually widely applied across various disciplines. Its connotation primarily refers to the cognitive and emotional attachment of social members toward belonging to a certain group. Identity is divided into national identity, political identity, ethnic identity, and cultural identity, among which national identity is the highest level. The essence of national identity is political identity. The construction of the Chinese nation community is centrally manifested in two aspects: First, consolidating the foundation of political identity and forging a collective political sentiment. As the American scholar David Easton said, regardless of how many differences exist in customs, religion, socio-economic status, or nationality, insofar as a sense of political community exists, members will possess mutual sympathy and loyalty because they participate in the same public political unit. Collective political sentiment primarily refers to the emotional bond formed among members of a society or political community due to shared history, culture, social morality, and value goals. In other words, the foundation of collective political sentiment is historical memory and cultural identity. Therefore, cultivating and consolidating the foundation of historical and cultural identity is a logical necessity for constructing a modern national identity system. Second, perfecting the political integration mechanism of "plurality and unity." For a multi-ethnic state, national identity and various ethnic identities coexist. How to handle the tension between national unity and ethnic diversity is a major topic in the political construction of the Chinese nation community. Achieving the dialectical unity of national unity and ethnic diversity through institutional innovation is a key proposition for the modernization of ethnic affair governance in the New Era.
1. The Historical Logic of Cultural Identity
Culture is the fundamental attribute of a nation, the basis upon which a population congeals into a national community, and an important condition for "people" (min) to become a "nationality" (zu); it reflects a nation's history and future. Identity is the prerequisite for cohesion and the foundation of unity. General Secretary Xi Jinping has pointed out: "To strengthen the great unity of the Chinese nation, the long-term and fundamental task is to enhance cultural identity." Cultural identity refers to the process by which different individuals or groups seek and recognize a common culture, representing their sense of belonging to that culture. The sense of community for the Chinese nation is essentially the result of historical and cultural identity. Cultural identity is the deepest level of identity, the top priority in the construction of community ideology, and the soul of the Chinese nation's realization of unity and harmony.
Cultural identity in Chinese history is closely related to the historical ideology of Great Unity. Cultural identity was also the bedrock of dynastic establishment, social harmony, and ethnic unity throughout the ages. Throughout Chinese history, especially when a regime unified "all under heaven," the people's views on the state, territory, and ethnicity were relatively calm. Conversely, during times of political fragmentation or under external shocks, ethnic consciousness and state views became particularly intense, to the point that even boundaries were clearly demarcated. At such times, ethnic consciousness escalated entirely into a community consciousness of shared destiny, sharing joy and sorrow, survival and ruin. The sense of community for the Chinese nation is precisely the ideological result of the dual effects of internal historical-cultural identity and external political crises. To strengthen ethnic unity, build a shared spiritual home, and cultivate a sense of community, the most long-term and fundamental approach is to enhance the identification of all ethnic groups with Chinese culture.
During historical periods, cultural identity for frontier ethnic groups was reflected not only in shaping the legitimacy of their own regimes but more importantly in the civilizational narrative of historical writing and the cultural sense of belonging as the "four barbarians" [13] "gradually came to admire the Chinese style." For example, Sima Qian’s construction of the early imperial genealogy and his tracing of the ethnic lineages of the Xiongnu, Southern Chu, and Southwestern Barbarians, as well as the frontier ethnic groups seeking their roots in Huaxia [14] during the Sixteen Kingdoms period—such as the Di people (Fu Hong of the Former Qin) and the Qiang people (the Yao clan of the Latter Qin) identifying their ancestors respectively as descendants of the Youhu and Youyu clans (Book of Jin: Record of Fu Hong; Book of Jin: Record of Yao Yizhong)—all these narratives reflect the identification of frontier ethnic groups with "China" or "Huaxia civilization." Under the centripetal force of Confucian culture, the sovereigns and ministers of peripheral ethnic regimes took the initiative to learn and emulate the culture of the Central Plains. During the Northern and Southern Dynasties, Liu Yuan, who established the Han state, proactively studied the Mao Poetry, Zuo Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals, and the Art of War by Sun and Wu. His son, Liu Cong, was well-versed in the classics and history from a young age, was skilled in cursive calligraphy, and excelled in composition. The Jie people (the Shi clan of the Latter Zhao), the Xianbei (the Murong clan of the Yan states), and the Di people (the Fu clan of the Former Qin) all associated extensively with Confucian scholars, esteemed the study of the classics and Confucianism, developed a refined taste for literature, were diligent in lecturing, and were proficient in astronomy. The study of Confucianism by northern sovereigns and ministers not only improved the cultural quality of their own groups but also stimulated their ethnic consciousness. The rulers of the Liao, Jin, and Western Xia highly esteemed Confucian thought. For instance, the Khitan Yelü Abaoji honored Confucius and esteemed Confucianism, issuing a decree for the "Crown Prince to perform the spring and autumn sacrifices" (History of Liao: Biography of Yizong Bei). The Renzong Emperor of Western Xia (Renxiao) directly honored Confucius as the "Emperor of Cultural Propagandism" (History of Song: Biography of the State of Xia). The Yuan Dynasty added the title "Great Completer, Ultimate Sage and King of Cultural Propagandism" to Confucius (History of Yuan: Annals of Emperor Wuzong), and the Qing Dynasty further honored him as the "Great Completer, Ultimate Sage and First Teacher of Cultural Propagandism" (Draft History of Qing: Annals of Emperor Shizu), calling him the "Model Teacher for Ten Thousand Generations" (Draft History of Qing: Annals of Emperor Shengzu) and allowing his descendants to inherit noble titles. During the Yuan and Qing periods, the mainstream ideology remained dominated by Confucianism, which, regardless of ethnic group or region, adhered to the principle of "one Way and the same tracks."
From the cultural immersion of "gradually admiring the Chinese style" to the interactive fusion of "the Chinese and the barbarians sharing the same customs," and finally forming the identification of the Chinese nation community within the context of the modern nation-state—this historical trajectory profoundly reflects the evolutionary logic of China’s "plurality and unity" pattern.
2. The Ethical and Moral Outlook of Cultural Identity
Fine traditional Chinese culture is the foundation of cultural identity, while cultural self-awareness is a powerful guarantee for forging the sense of community for the Chinese nation. Chinese culture is centered on ethics and morality. After the two Han dynasties, under the influence of Buddhist culture which advocated transcendence of the world, Confucian culture which advocated engagement with the world further emphasized the aspect of the "cardinal guides and constant virtues" [15] and ritual teachings. Compared with Western traditional rational culture, Chinese culture focuses on human value, contemplating how to conduct oneself and how to achieve harmony between man and nature, and man and society. The intellectual thought of the Axial Age, especially Confucian and Daoist thought, became the fundamental keynote of traditional Chinese culture. These ethical principles were both embedded in the feudal patriarchal system and permeated the Chinese people’s cosmosology, worldview, outlook on life, and epistemology.
Concepts such as the "unity of heaven and man," "resonance between heaven and man," and "regulating and completing the Way of heaven and earth to assist in the suitability of heaven and earth" integrated moral theory, epistemology, and the theory of knowledge. These concepts reflect the inclusiveness of Chinese culture: first, the absorption and assimilation of external cultures; second, the grand integration of various domestic ethnic cultures. Assimilation is primarily reflected in cultural "enculturation" power—that is, digesting and absorbing foreign cultures to make them organic components of Chinese culture, thereby enriching its connotations, such as the Sinicization of Buddhism and the formation of Song-Ming Neo-Confucianism. Cultural integration is primarily reflected in the power of fusion—that is, incorporating other ethnic cultures within China based on Huaxia (Han) culture, eventually forming three types of cultures: first, based on geographical orientation, such as Northern, Jiangnan, Central Plains, Western Regions, Guandong, and Western cultures; second, based on geographical environment, such as continental, maritime, Yellow River, Yangtze River, grassland, plateau, canal, and oasis cultures; and third, based on administrative divisions, such as Qilu, Huizhou, Wuyue, Lingnan, Bashu, Guanlong, Qinghai-Tibet, and Bagui cultures. These cultures drew on each other's strengths during their dissemination and exchange, each displaying unique characteristics and finally forming a singular cultural form. The inclusive and cohesive nature of fine traditional Chinese culture created a harmonious and relaxed environment for ethnic interaction, exchange, and blending, encouraging and promoting deep-level interactive fusion.
The moral ideals, spiritual concepts, and intellectual-cultural core contained in fine traditional Chinese culture have lasted for millennia and continue to influence the present. Concepts such as "harmony and convergence for co-existence" (he-he gong-sheng), "people as my kin and things as my fellows" (min-bao wu-yu), "harmonizing all nations," and "Great Harmony of all under heaven" exert a centripetal force in shaping the "plurality and unity" pattern of the Chinese nation. The fine traditional Chinese culture, marked by the ideas of "Harmony-Convergence" and "Great Unity," contains thoughts of a national community and demonstrates the value pursuit of all ethnic groups for the community. These intellectual essences, spanning time and space, have been deeply planted in the spiritual bloodline of the Chinese nation through intergenerational transmission, forming the cultural genes of the sense of community for certain Chinese nations. China's unique geographic environment created a typical inland agrarian civilization; the psychology of "the myriad things as one body" and "heaven and man sharing virtue" forged the side of traditional culture that reveres harmony. The concept of He-He (Harmony-Convergence) has further risen to the heights of "holding the world with great virtue," "harmony without uniformity," and "valuing harmony through the Golden Mean," melting into the fundamental spirit of the Chinese nation. The concepts of "Unity" and "Harmony-Convergence" have undoubtedly become the spiritual core for maintaining ethnic unity, national unification, and cultural prosperity; the "inward cohesion" therein fully reflects the common psychological quality of the Chinese nation. Persisting in combining the basic tenets of Marxism with fine traditional Chinese culture precisely leverages the open, inclusive, and cohesive characteristics of Chinese culture. Only through this "combination" can the creative transformation and innovative development of fine traditional Chinese culture be realized; only then can the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism be achieved. Only through "combination" can the problem of Marxism taking root in China be better resolved, while simultaneously providing new paths and methods for the transformation of fine traditional Chinese culture.
The fundamental value of culture is primarily reflected in its intellectual nature, which contains rich philosophical thoughts, humanistic spirits, value concepts, and moral norms. Promoting the creative transformation and innovative development of fine traditional Chinese culture means revealing the cultural spirit, cultural breadth, and cultural confidence of the Chinese nation. Unearthing the historical facts of "Great Unity" is not to avoid historical contradictions but to correct erroneous historical views. Strengthening cultural identity is about guiding people to establish a correct view of history, the state, the nation, and culture; it is about continuously consolidating the identification of all ethnic groups with the great motherland, the Chinese nation, and the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics. It is precisely about forging the sense of community for the Chinese nation.
III. Ethnic Interaction, Exchange, and Blending: The Practical Logic of Constructing the Chinese Nation Community
Inter-ethnic interaction, exchange, and blending [16] constitute a key component of the Party’s strengthening and improvement of ethnic work in the New Era. They serve as the practical main thread for the construction of a community for the Chinese nation, profoundly revealing the laws governing the development of ethnic relations in our country and the developmental trends of the Chinese nation. General Secretary Xi Jinping has pointed out that promoting extensive inter-ethnic interaction, exchange, and blending is an important path for advancing the construction of a community for the Chinese nation. Throughout history, the interaction, exchange, and blending of various ethnic groups have never ceased. Even in its weakest moments, the Chinese nation did not fall apart into pieces; it relied on the common conviction that our national territory is inseparable, our ethnic groups are unsplittable, and our civilization is unbreakable.
1. The Theoretical Logic of Inter-ethnic Interaction, Exchange, and Blending
The theory of inter-ethnic interaction, exchange, and blending is an inheritance and development of Marxist ethnic theory. It is both a summary of the characteristics and trends of current ethnic relations and a new approach to promoting ethnic unity, progress, and common prosperity, resolving contradictions and conflicts in the realm of ethnic affairs, and resisting ethnic separatism, the fragmentation of ethnic identity, and ethnic discrimination. Marx and Engels believed that "social structure and the state are continually evolving out of the life-process of definite individuals" and that "the relation of the productive forces to the form of intercourse is the relation of the form of intercourse to the occupation or activity of the individuals." It can be said that the interaction between man and nature, and among human beings themselves, promoted the formation and development of the state. Similarly, the construction of a community for the Chinese nation requires these forms of interaction.
In defining the "nation" [17], classical Marxist writers pointed out that the nation is a historical category, a product of human society developing to a certain stage, and a community possessing certain common characteristics in terms of language, territory, and sentiment. Marx noted that the term "nation" was used to refer to many Indian tribes because, although their numbers were small, each had its own distinct dialect and territory. He also noted that the four tribes of Attica, speaking the same dialect and occupying a common territory, had fused into one nation—demonstrating the importance of a common language and territory to a nation. Engels also mentioned these common characteristics multiple times when discussing national features. He pointed out that "the large and viable European nations should be more and more endowed with truly natural frontiers determined by language and common sympathies," and that "the first conditions for national existence [are] a numerous population and a contiguous territory." When discussing the German Mark system, he noted that blood alliances were the foundation of the entire national system. With population growth and the continued development of the nation, such alliances were increasingly forgotten, and common lineage was less regarded as actual blood kinship; "what remained was merely a common history and a common dialect." The fusion of tribal alliances caused various tribal territories to "fuse into the entire territory of a nation (Volk)." The above represent the fundamental viewpoints of Marx and Engels regarding the formation and development of nations.
Lenin inherited and advanced Marxist ethnic theory, clearly stating that nations possess common characteristics such as territory and language. Stalin refuted erroneous views such as Springer's claim that a "nation is a union of people who think alike and speak the same language, a cultural community independent of territory," and Bauer’s notion that a "nation is a relative community of character." Stalin argued that a nation is first and foremost a community—not a fortuitous or ephemeral conglomeration, but a historically constituted, stable community of people. Its basic features are a common language, a common territory, a common economic life, and a common psychological make-up manifested in a common culture. In short, Marxist ethnic theory is a summary of the laws of national formation and development under different historical backgrounds, which has had a profound impact on the development of ethnic theory in our country.
The formation and development of a nation are both the result of interaction, exchange, and blending, and the result of the universal connection and development of various elements. First, regarding national formation and development, Marxism holds that it generally follows the developmental sequence of clan, phratry, tribe, tribal confederation, and nation [18]. The formation of a nation is a process of extensive contact and long-term interaction based on population mobility, mixed residence, tribal integration, and blood-mending; at each stage of development, certain common characteristics are formed. As the degree of interaction, exchange, and blending grows, traditional blood ties within the national community gradually diminish, while factors such as culture, economy, territory, and language become more prominent. Marx and Engels pointed out: "The antagonism between town and country begins with the transition from barbarism to civilization, from tribe to State, from locality to nation, and runs through the whole history of civilization to the present day." The national community is the result of the local limitations of tribes moving toward civilization. The development of social productive forces made the means of subsistence more abundant and commodity exchange more frequent, while the expansion of trading centers promoted the emergence of cities. Therefore, the transition of social organization from the primitive tribal system to the state system of a class society is the result of tribes developing into nations with broader territories, and is a sign of the move from barbarism to civilization.
After a nation is formed, influenced by many factors, the masses of various ethnic groups undergo continuous differentiation and integration, sometimes even forming new nations, namely "secondary-growth nations" (次生态民族). Engels pointed out: "From the mixing of peoples in the early Middle Ages, new nations gradually developed... in this developmental process, the majority of the conquered—the peasants and townspeople within the former Roman provinces—assimilated the victors, the Germanic rulers." This reveals a special phenomenon in ethnic development. Secondary-growth nations and "primary-growth nations" (原生态民族) possess characteristics of "same origin, different streams" (同源异流) or "different origins, same stream" (异源同流). This phenomenon was particularly evident in history. The discourses of Marx and Engels on national formation and development profoundly reveal the aspect of inter-ethnic interaction, exchange, and blending.
Second, regarding common national characteristics, classical Marxist writers adhered to a connective and developmental viewpoint. The various features of a national community are always in a state of mutual connection, influence, and restraint. Stalin pointed out: "A nation is formed only as a result of lengthy and systematic intercourse, as a result of people living together generation after generation." The formation and development of a nation are complementary to social development; social development constrains national development, and national development, in turn, constrains social development. Driven by new productive forces, the links between nations become closer, even forming economic communities. In 2005, the Decision of the CPC Central Committee and the State Council on Further Strengthening Ethnic Work and Accelerating the Economic and Social Development of Ethnic Minorities and Ethnic Areas pointed out: "A nation is a stable community of people formed at a certain stage of historical development. Generally speaking, nations possess common features in terms of historical origin, mode of production, language, culture, customs, and psychological identity. In the process of the formation and development of some nations, religion plays an important role." Common historical origin mainly refers to shared geographical and ancestral roots, where geography is the basic condition for national formation and ancestry is the key element of ethnic cohesion. A common mode of production is an important economic condition for national formation, exerting a restrictive effect on other conditions. Common language, culture, and customs are manifestations of common spiritual values formed through long-term social practice. Common psychological identity—namely the sense of psychological belonging to a nation—is the spiritual bond of ethnic unity, constantly stimulating the cohesive and centripetal forces of all ethnic groups. These six common features represent a timely sublimation of the definitions of "nation" provided by classical Marxist writers. They place greater emphasis on the geographical, ancestral, cultural, and productive aspects of national development, conforming to the objective reality of the formation and development of the Chinese nation. This is Sinicized and modernized Marxist ethnic theory.
The subjects of interaction are individuals, groups, and the state, with the individual being the fundamental unit. The objects of interaction primarily involve political, economic, cultural, social, and spiritual aspects. Inter-ethnic interaction, exchange, and blending play a vital role in the construction of a national community. Classical Marxist ethnic theory holds that the phenomenon of ethnic fusion has always existed and that ethnic entities will eventually wither away. In a true community, the association of interaction creates conditions for the free and comprehensive development of human beings. Although the discourses of classical Marxist writers on inter-ethnic interaction, exchange, and blending differ in perspective, their connotations are of the same lineage, providing a solid theoretical foundation for the construction of a community for the Chinese nation in the New Era.
2. The Historical Logic of Inter-ethnic Interaction, Exchange, and Blending
The characteristics and trends of ethnic relations inherent in "inter-ethnic interaction, exchange, and blending" possess deep historical roots. Various ethnic groups have continuously engaged in interaction and movement across the land of China, forming a pattern of "pluralistic unity" (多元一体) [19] where "you are in me and I am in you." In essence, the formation and development of the Chinese nation is itself the result of the continuous interaction, exchange, and blending of various ethnic groups.
First, all ethnic groups jointly created a unified multi-ethnic state. As early as the Xia, Shang, and Zhou dynasties, ethnic groups were classified within the discourse system of the Huaxia [20] regime as the Dongyi (Eastern I), Nanman (Southern Man), Xirong (Western Rong), and Beidi (Northern Di). Different ethnic groups vied with each other for better living environments and material resources, eventually being integrated into a "Great Unification" (大一统) [21] political entity. During the Shang and Zhou eras, the varieties and lineages of peripheral ethnic groups gradually increased. Some took the opportunity of the Central Plains dynasties' decline to enter the heartland, deepening ethnic blending. During the Qin and Han periods, the Xiongnu, Xianbei, Wuhuan, and various Western Regions ethnic groups were all incorporated into the Huaxia system. On the basis of ethnic fusion, a national community was formed—the Han nation. During the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties, the "Five Barbarians entered China" [22]; the people of the Central Plains migrated south, and the ethnic groups of the north and south blended in language, culture, and customs, creating an unprecedented Great Ethnic Fusion in Chinese history. Gao Huan was originally a Han person from Bohai; because his grandfather Gao Mi committed a crime, he was exiled to Huashuo Town. The family lived there for generations, and by Gao Huan’s time, having lived there for three generations, "they were accustomed to the customs and thus became the same as the Xianbei" (Book of Northern Qi, Annals Vol. 1), and he ordered his three armies to "always speak the Xianbei language" (Book of Northern Qi, Biography of Gao Gan).
During the Sui and Tang period, the regime displayed clear characteristics of joint governance by "Hu" [23] and Han. Many members of the ruling group were of Xianbei descent, and a large-scale phenomenon of "Hu-ization" (胡化) appeared, particularly in the Heshuo region. The Tang Dynasty adopted the Jimi [24] policy to control peripheral ethnic areas. In handling ethnic relations, it employed strategies such as "marriage alliances" (和亲) and "governing according to local customs" (因俗而治), and allowed intermarriage between different ethnic groups, which deepened the mutual interaction of all ethnicities. During the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms and the Liao, Song, Xia, and Jin periods, groups like the Khitan, Shatuo, Dangxiang, and Jurchen established regimes, later standing in confrontation with the Song regime. With the wars between these regimes, the ethnic groups within their jurisdictions also migrated frequently. Large numbers of northern ethnic groups entered the Central Plains to live alongside the Han, while the Han of the Central Plains migrated south again, laying the foundation for new ethnic fusion and national unification. From the Yuan Dynasty onward, China basically maintained a pattern of Great Unification. At this time, northern groups such as the Khitan, Xi, Shiwei, and Jurchen, after mixed residence and blending during the Liao, Song, Xia, and Jin periods, were already identified as the "new Han." As noted in the History of Yuan (Annals of Shizu): "The Jurchen and Khitan are the same as Han people" and "Jurchens born and raised in Han lands are the same as Han people." By the Qing Dynasty, the prototype of China’s current provincial and territorial boundaries was basically formed. The Yuan, Ming, and Qing dynasties were not only the foundational period for the formation of the ethnic distribution pattern in Chinese history but also the expansion period for the deep blending of the Chinese nation.
Second, all ethnic groups jointly opened up the vast national territory. The joint development of territory carries three meanings: first, an ethnic group developing its own concentrated residential area; second, the central regime developing peripheral areas; and third, different regimes mutually opening up and managing border regions. In Chinese history, all three scenarios have been present, with the second being particularly significant. The Qin Dynasty expanded into the "Henan" (south of the river), "Southwest," and "Lingnan" regions, migrating tens of thousands of households from the interior to guard the borders. The Han Dynasty opened up Hexi, Hetao, Basin-Shu, and Dian-Qian, migrating over a million people. The Northern Wei moved officials and skilled craftsmen of the Han and Murong Xianbei from the former Later Yan to Pingcheng; they moved the people of the six commanderies under Northern Yan to Youzhou, and migrated over 30,000 households from Guzang in Northern Liang to Pingcheng. These migrations brought advanced productive forces and played an important role in local social development. The Tang Dynasty engaged in border reclamation (屯垦), and border residents migrated inward, jointly developing the social economy of the frontiers; during the reign of Emperor Xuanzong alone, approximately 50,000 qing [25] of land were reclaimed. After the Song Dynasty, border markets were opened, and specialized Salt and Tea Transport Offices were established. During the Ming and Qing periods, the Tea-Horse trade and Silk-Horse trade flourished, and economic interaction among ethnic groups became the norm. Migration, border reclamation, and economic/trade exchanges continuously strengthened the interaction, exchange, and blending between the heartland and border regions, leading to historic development in the frontiers. It is precisely because of the inter-ethnic interaction, exchange, and blending in various historical stages that the "pluralistic unity" pattern of the Chinese nation exists. The reciprocal interactions between ethnic groups, as well as the ethnic policies and ideological practices of various ethnic regimes, jointly promoted the formation of a sense of community for the Chinese nation.
3. The Practical Logic of Inter-ethnic Interaction, Exchange, and Blending
In the development of human society, the progression of productive forces links different regions, individuals, and interest groups together, some of which coalesce into communities with shared characteristics. Through all-around interaction, exchange, and mingling, people form more complete institutional rules, which in turn promote the formation of higher-level ethnic communities. In Chinese history, political reforms and institutional adjustments of different regimes broke through narrow geocultural perspectives, causing the distinction between "Hu" [26] and "Han" contexts to gradually dissolve, and leading the people of all ethnic groups toward integration through exchange and collision.
The ethnic issue is part of the general issue of social development; whether ethnic issues can be correctly understood and handled concerns the long-term governance and enduring peace of the country, social stability, and the stability of the borderlands. In the revolution, construction, and reform led by the Communist Party of China, properly handling ethnic relations, persisting in ethnic equality, strengthening ethnic unity, and promoting the common prosperity and development of all ethnic groups have always been the focus of the Party's ethnic work. National unity and social stability have become important benchmarks for measuring the effectiveness of ethnic work. Since the reform and opening up, the trend of ethnic interaction, exchange, and mingling has become increasingly evident. Along with the development of productive forces, the distribution of ethnic groups—characterized by "living together over vast areas while residing in small concentrated communities and intermingling in staggered patterns" [27]—has moved from a static to a dynamic state, presenting new characteristics of great mobility and large-scale integrated residency. The refinement of the labor division and the mobility of population resources have also become characteristics of the era. Furthermore, the increasing perfection of transportation and information technology has continuously enhanced the public's ability to share information, eliminating geographical and psychological barriers to a certain extent, deepening emotional exchanges among all ethnic groups, and strengthening cultural identity. The interaction, exchange, and mingling of all ethnic groups is an inevitable trend of social development and the direction of development for socialist ethnic relations.
Entering the New Era, the CPC Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core has successively put forward important propositions such as the "Chinese national community," "forging a sense of community for the Chinese nation," and "the construction of the Chinese national community," taking ethnic interaction, exchange, and mingling as an important task.
The concept of "ethnic interaction, exchange, and mingling" avoids the misunderstanding of simply equating "ethnic fusion" with "ethnic assimilation." It highlights the characteristic of "joining" (he), emphasizing the aspects of "harmony without uniformity" [28] and "concord" in ethnic relations, aiming to promote the common prosperity, development, unity, and progress of all ethnic groups. Interaction and exchange are the prerequisites, while mingling is the essential requirement. Mingling is not the elimination of ethnic differences, much less the liquidation of any particular ethnic group. The concept of ethnic interaction, exchange, and mingling is the result of combining the Marxist theory of ethnic fusion with the "harmony and convergence" (he-he) [29] thought in fine traditional Chinese culture and the reality of large-scale integrated residency and mobility in the New Era. It is the result of the specific practice of ethnic work and the continuous enrichment and exploration of the Party's ethnic theory and policy. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: "The process of building a strong country and national rejuvenation must be a process of extensive interaction, exchange, and mingling among all ethnic groups" and "Extensive interaction, exchange, and mingling are important ways to advance the construction of the Chinese national community." Extensive interaction, exchange, and mingling are meant to promote the unity of all ethnic groups in terms of ideals, convictions, emotions, and culture. The "commonality" of the Chinese national community is reflected in many aspects such as politics, economy, culture, society, and ecological civilization, highly corresponding to the specific dimensions of ethnic interaction, exchange, and mingling, "gradually realizing the all-around embedding of all ethnic groups in spatial, cultural, economic, social, and psychological terms." All-around embedding is the manifestation of ethnic interaction, exchange, and mingling, and the foundation for forming the Chinese national community. To achieve mutual ethnic embedding, it is necessary to break the "parallel society" trend in ethnic areas, "actively construct a mutually embedded social structure and community environment," "build a long-term mechanism for publicity and education to forge a sense of community for the Chinese nation," and create social conditions for people of all ethnic groups to live, study, work, and enjoy themselves together. Therefore, the interaction, exchange, and mingling of all ethnic groups and the construction of the Chinese national community promote each other.
IV. Cultural Empowerment: The Ideological Practice of the Construction of the Chinese National Community
Marxism holds that "The production of ideas, of conceptions, of consciousness, is at first directly interwoven with the material activity and the material intercourse of men, the language of real life. Conceiving, thinking, the mental intercourse of men, appear here as the direct efflux of their material behaviour." National consciousness is a product of human social development. Forging a sense of community for the Chinese nation requires focusing not only on interaction at the material level but also on interaction and exchange at the spiritual level. The reason why the people of all ethnic groups form an identity with the Chinese nation lies not only in the close relationships at the levels of blood and geography, but even more in the spiritual pursuit of "cultural affinity" (wenyuan) values—that is, the historical traditions, cultural memories, and national spirit jointly created by all ethnic groups, as well as the customs, habits, and languages formed through mutual identification in life practice. The historical and cultural dimension of the construction of the Chinese national community includes two aspects: first, deeply understanding from a historical perspective the objectivity and spontaneity of the formation of the Chinese national community, where the concepts of unification, mingling, harmony/convergence, and mutual learning serve as the "ideological glue" for the formation of the "diversity in unity" [30] national pattern; second, interpreting the symbiotic logic of the "all-under-heaven" state (tianxia guojia) [31], Chinese culture, and the Chinese nation from an ideological and cultural perspective, breaking the value divergence of the traditional "distinction between Hua and Yi" [32], transcending the theoretical paradigm of Western nation-states, and constructing a cultural narrative for the Chinese nation community. The mutual embedding and complementarity of history and culture reflect the distinct characteristics of the practice of constructing the Chinese national community.
1. Strengthening the Foundation through History: The Continuation of Community Memory
Uphold the fundamentals and break new ground; continue the cultural lineage. The Chinese nation has a tradition of "upholding the fundamentals and breaking new ground" (shouzheng chuangxin). So-called phrases like "one must establish what is grand and upright" (Xunzi Jijie), "those who follow the law and uphold the upright are insulted by the world, while those who are extravagant and transgressive are called honorable" (Records of the Grand Historian: Book of Rites), and "occupying a position with clarity and upholding the upright" (Book of the Later Han: Volume 26) are all great historical practices of Chinese civilization. In the process of Chinese-path modernization, only by upholding the fundamentals and breaking new ground can we grasp and lead the era. "Upholding the fundamentals" means upholding the fundamental system of Marxism’s guiding position in the ideological field, upholding the fundamental requirements of the "Two Combinations," and upholding the CPC's cultural leadership and the cultural subjectivity of the Chinese nation. "Breaking new ground" means creating new ideas, new discourses, new mechanisms, and new forms; it means using the past to serve the present and foreign things to serve China under the guidance of Marxism, weeding through the old to bring forth the new, and achieving an organic connection between tradition and modernity.
An important measure for strengthening historical memory and enhancing cultural identity is to continue the cultural lineage. History is the foundation of cultural inheritance, historical records are the vehicle for cultural dissemination, and compiling history is an important way of transmitting civilization. Compiling classics during prosperous eras is a tradition of successive dynasties; detailed historical materials provide resources and subject matter for cultural inheritance, offer historical references for future generations, and become an integral part of cultural transmission. Historical records and historical research provide methods and paths for cultural inheritance, promoting cultural dissemination and development. A vast sea of ancient texts and documents records the historical face of the multi-ethnic state; the "Official Histories" (zhengshi) of successive dynasties, headed by the Records of the Grand Historian, write the developmental history of the unified multi-ethnic state. The concepts of "Orthodoxy" and the "Hua-Yi distinction" centered on Confucianism also profoundly influenced the attitude of historians in compiling history and the stylistic layout of historical books. Regardless of whether the previous regime was established by the Han people, subsequent dynasties would compile a history for it, which fully reflects the importance attached to the continuity of the cultural lineage. Among these, many records of ethnic policies and the thoughts of monarchs, officials, and literati provide detailed materials for our study of the history of the Chinese nation and the interactions between various ethnic groups today. The glorious prosperous ages in history, the tales of ethnic unity, and the spiritual pedigree of the Chinese Communists are all important contents of the common historical memory of the Chinese nation. Valuing historical worth, protecting historical and cultural heritage, and emphasizing cultural inheritance work are important components of the construction of the Chinese national community.
2. Casting the Soul through Ideology: The Value Cohesion of the Community
Respect cultural differences and seek a value "consensus." General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: "The history of human social development shows that for a nation or a country, the most enduring and deepest force is the core values commonly recognized by the whole society. Core values carry the spiritual pursuit of a nation and a country, and reflect the value standards by which a society judges right from wrong." Over-emphasizing the differences in ethnic cultures will, to a certain extent, weaken the cultural identity of the Chinese nation. Cultural differences are mainly reflected in two aspects: first, the cultural diversity of material forms, such as eating habits, clothing, and architectural styles; second, the differences in spiritual forms, such as language, festivals, etiquette, and ethics. How to find common elements based on ethnic cultural differences is a question we need to continuously explore and research.
Forging a sense of community for the Chinese nation requires "seeking roots and ancestors" in culture; we must deeply excavate common cultural resources and use the Socialist Core Values as guidance to build a consensus on values. Socialist Core Values possess a profound cultural foundation, nourishing the common spiritual home of all ethnic groups; they are a powerful ideological weapon for refuting the Western view of "universal values," opposing the discourse system of hegemony, and criticizing erroneous trends of thought. They can serve as the judgment standard for the values of people of all ethnic groups. We must resolutely oppose narrow nationalism, establish a correct view of the history of the Chinese nation, correctly handle the relationship between Chinese culture and the cultures of various ethnic groups, and enhance the sense of national identity and pride. The view of the history of the Chinese nation should take the overall thread of China's historical development as its base point, start from the laws of the evolution and development of the Chinese nation, and explore the development trends of the Chinese national community. We must strengthen cultural exchange and mutual learning, and correctly view the commonalities and differences of all ethnic groups. We must clarify the "commonality" of similarities between ethnic groups and the "characteristics" of their differences, and "seek common ground while reserving differences" on the basis of respecting differences and understanding individuality. We must always understand that the Chinese nation is a community with a shared future that has gradually formed over thousands of years, in which "you are in me and I am in you" (ni zhong you wo, wo zhong you ni). We must understand that diverse ethnic groups have jointly created a diverse ethnic culture and jointly painted the beautiful scroll of Chinese culture.
3. Jointly Building through Emotion: Constructing the Spiritual Home of the Community
The construction of the spiritual home essentially belongs to a civilizational identity with emotion as the bond; it is the transformation of abstract national identity into a perceptible emotional experience. The core lies in transforming multicultural elements into collective spiritual and cultural symbols through mobilization mechanisms. The construction of the Chinese national community needs to rely on historical memory, cultural symbols, and common values to stimulate emotional resonance, jointly shape collective memory, and form emotional synchronization. The construction of the spiritual home takes culture as the carrier; through various cultural activities, Socialist Core Values are integrated into daily life, forming a progressive logic of "symbol — emotion — identity." With the pattern of "diversity in unity" of the Chinese nation as the core, historical narrative is reconstructed. By establishing correct views of the state, history, nation, and culture, we lead the construction of the spiritual home ideologically and guide members of the Chinese nation to establish a spiritual community that transcends region and ethnicity through shared emotional experiences.
Since the beginning of the modern era, against the backdrop of feudalism and colonialism, the concept of the "Chinese nation" (Zhonghua minzu) emerged. The Chinese nation is not only a general term for all ethnic groups within China's territory but also a collective term for the spiritual level of all China's ethnic groups; it is the combination of the "nation" in traditional culture and the "modern state" at the level of meaning. Today, the concept of the "Chinese nation" expresses more of the sense of identity that the sons and daughters of China have for their motherland. The Chinese nation itself is a community, a product of historical development. "Home-country sentiment" (jiaguo qinghuai) [33] is the foundation of ethnic interaction, exchange, and mingling; it essentially reflects the construction of the shared spiritual home of the Chinese nation—that is, persisting with cultural values as the bottom line and national emotion as the reliance to establish an identity with the state, the nation, the culture, and the institutional system. By building a pattern of integration and symbiosis with political unity, economic interconnectedness, cultural mingling, and emotional proximity, we form a spiritual system of mutual assistance and shared stakes, providing a solid foundation for the construction of the Chinese national community.
In the New Era, the construction of the spiritual home must, on the basis of upholding the cultural subjectivity of Chinese culture, establish a more inclusive system of emotional discourse, allowing Socialist Core Values to form an organic resonance with the emotional needs of all ethnic groups. This achieves a deep transformation from a political community to an emotional community, providing lasting momentum for forging a sense of community for the Chinese nation. In short, with culture as the warp and emotion as the weft, a dynamic construction model should be formed through institutional safeguards, technical empowerment, and intergenerational transmission.
4. Expanding the New through Practice: The Path of Community Integration
Solidifying the cultural foundation and excavating cultural resources are essential. Throughout different historical stages, the Chinese nation has formed a diverse array of cultural resources containing a deep, common root system. Deeply excavating the excellent traditional cultures of all ethnic groups is intended to make people of all ethnicities realize that the inheritance of Chinese culture is the result of interaction among all groups. The interaction, exchange, and blending [34] of ethnic groups are objective facts; the development of the consciousness of the Chinese nation community does not violate the fundamental law of progressing from interaction, exchange, and blending toward ethnic fusion. Leveraging the advantages of traditional cultural resources is primarily reflected at two levels. First, the interpretation of historical memory. This involves seeking out historical records, cultural relics, ancient monuments, and fragments of memory left behind in the historical process of ethnic interaction, exchange, and blending—specifically, those parts of culture that embody community consciousness and the ideological essence generally identified with and commonly observed by people of all ethnic groups. In other words, it means finding the imprints of the common development of all ethnic groups within the excellent traditional Chinese culture. Second, the interpretation of spiritual culture. This involves extracting cross-ethnic shared cultural symbols to shape a visualized cultural consensus among different groups; reinterpreting the concepts of "Great Unity under Heaven" [35] and "Harmonious Coexistence" [36]; and excavating common cultural genes and spiritual qualities. This serves to shape political judgment, strengthen ideological leadership, and forge the power of conviction and will, fully demonstrating the Chinese nation’s spirit of unity and struggle.
The construction of the Chinese nation community must shift from "physical superposition" to an organic symbiosis resembling a "chemical reaction." This requires using institutional design to guarantee the depth of ethnic interaction, utilizing technological innovation to activate cultural vitality, and building a harmonious and orderly community ecosystem. The construction of the Chinese nation community must always take the connection between people as its core, making cultural integration a practice in which all ethnic groups participate spontaneously and benefit collectively, while using value reshaping to consolidate a spiritual consensus. Forcing a sense of the Chinese nation community is, in essence, about solidifying the foundation of the Chinese nation’s sense of identity. Only by possessing the consciousness of forging a sense of the Chinese nation community can the level of cultural confidence be further elevated.
Conclusion
The construction of the Chinese nation community is a vital component of the Party’s ethnic work in the New Era. Its historical-cultural significance and practical logic are both a summation of the evolutionary laws of Chinese civilization and a response to the path of national rejuvenation in the New Era. Grounded in the idea of "Great Unification" [37], with cultural identity as its core, interaction, exchange, and blending as its practical path, and cultural empowerment as its innovative driver, the construction of the Chinese nation community builds a complete theoretical framework that connects history and reality while fusing tradition and modernity. It profoundly reveals how the Chinese nation formed a civilizational pattern of "diversity within unity" [38] and how it continues to consolidate the community's spiritual bonds and institutional resilience during the process of modernization.
In the long river of history, through economic interconnections, cultural mutual learning, and emotional fusion, various ethnic groups formed a pattern of diversity within unity characterized by "I am in you, and you are in me." Community construction in the New Era takes forging a sense of the Chinese nation community as its fundamental direction. It solidifies the foundation of interaction through institutional guarantees, deepens the substance of exchange through education and guidance, and promotes the quality and efficiency of blending through development opportunities. While promoting the common prosperity of material life, it simultaneously constructs a shared foundation for the spiritual home. This practical logic both inherits the historical wisdom of "harmony without uniformity" [39] from Chinese civilization and highlights the innovative breakthroughs in the Party’s ethnic work in the New Era, injecting powerful impetus for all ethnic groups to strive together in unity and develop in common prosperity. It has opened a new realm for resolving ethnic issues through upholding the fundamentals and breaking new ground.
The historical-cultural significance and practical logic of the construction of the Chinese nation community prove the contemporary vitality of the concept of "Harmonious Coexistence" in Chinese civilization and provide a Chinese solution for the governance of multi-ethnic states. From "Great Unification" to "Community," and from cultural identity to interaction, exchange, and blending, the Chinese nation, with its profound civilizational accumulation, explains how to achieve political integration without eliminating differences, how to maintain cultural subjectivity amidst the tide of economic globalization, and how to transform historical experience into wisdom for solving realistic problems. Realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation and promoting Chinese-path modernization through the great unity of the Chinese nation is inevitably a process of ethnic interaction, exchange, and blending. Ethnic interaction, exchange, and blending and the construction of the Chinese nation community are two sides of the same coin; they are essential for enhancing national cohesion and enriching the theory of the Chinese nation community. They not only build a firm ideological foundation for the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation but also provide a Chinese solution for the political system, ethnic relations, frontier governance, and cultural construction of a unified multi-ethnic state. In the process of constructing the Chinese nation community, it is necessary to adhere to the dialectical unity of history and reality, taking the creative transformation and innovative development of excellent traditional Chinese culture as the driving force to consolidate a development consensus through upholding the fundamentals and breaking new ground.